WITH  THE  AUTHOR'S  COMPLDTEin 

THE  HETERODOXIES  OF  THE  SHIITES 

ACCORDING  TO  IBN  HAZM. 


INTRODUCTION,  TRANSLATION  AND  COMMENTARY 


ISRAEL  FRIEDLAENDER,  Pn.D. 


NEW  HAVEN 
1909. 


PREFATORY   NOTE. 


The  present  treatise  was  originally  published  in  the  Journal  of  the 
American  Oriental  Society.  It  consists  of  two  parts,  the  first  (covering 
80  pages)  and  the  second  (covering  183  pages)  having  appeared  respect- 
ively in  vol.  xxviii.  and  in  vol.  xxix.  of  the  above-named  Journal.  Of 
the  first  part,  pp.  1-28  contain  the  Introduction,  pp.  28-80  the  transla- 
tion of  Ibn  Hazm's  texts,  with  the  critical  apparatus  in  the  shape  of 
footnotes.  Of  the  second  part,  pp.  1-6  record  the  sources  used  in  this 
treatise ;  pp.  6-136  contain  a  running  commentary  on  the  texts  trans- 
lated in  Part  I.:  pp.  138-159  deal  with  the  term  Ratndfid;  p.  160  gives 
a  genealogical  list  of  the  Alids  mentioned  in  the  treatise  ;  pp.  161-183 
are  occupied  by  indexes. 

Some  remarks  of  a  prefatory  nature  will  be  found  in  Part  I.  on  pp. 
23-28  and  in  Part  II.  on  p.  1  f.  and  on  p.  6. 

A  few  corrections  have  been  collected  on  p.  136  (Part  II.).  Others 
have  been  embodied  in  the  Commentary.  In  the  following,  I  enumerate 
the  passages  (all  in  Part  II.)  containing  such  corrections:  6  f.,  10  n.  1, 
1310,  47-6,  4815,  5516,  6310,  763,  79",  86",  94-*,  9813,  103",  127",  132s4,  1365, 
150  n.  2,  160  n.  4.— I  also  wish  to  correct  Part  I.  p.  13  1.  3  from  below  : 
Samuel  for  Joseph  and  Part  II.  p.  93  n.  1  :  Ibrahim  b.  al-Ashtar. — To 
Part  II.  p.  82  n.  2  compare  al-Kirkisani  (a  Karaite  writer  of  the  first 
half  of  the  tenth  century),  ed.  Harkavy,  Petersburg,  1894,  p.  305  : 
• '  they  (the  Rabbanites)  admit  that  he  (Jesus)  performed  miracles,  and 
they  maintain  that  this  was  possible  for  him  by  means  of  sorcery  and 
the  Hidden  Name  (of  God)."  Cf.  Talmud  Babli  Sanhedrin  fol.  103b.— 
On  the  name  Ndnd  (Part  II.  p.  10  n.  3)  see  also  Harkavy  in  his  Intro- 
duction to  al-Kirkisani,  ibidem  p.  259  n.  3  and  p.  320. — Al-Warrdk 
( Part  II.  p.  15  n.  3,  cf .  p.  136)  is  also  quoted  by  al-Biruni. 

Lastly,  I  beg  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Professor  Torrey 
and  Professor  Jewett  for  the  patient  and  considerate  manner  in  which 
they  discharged  their  wearisome  editorial  duties  in  connection  with 
this  treatise.  I.  F. 

Jewish  Theological  Seminary.  New  York 
April  1909. 


2094373 


INTRODUCTION. 

"  BECAUSE  of  thee  "—with  these  words  Muhammed  is  reported 
to  have  addressed  once  his  nephew  and  son-in-law  Ali — "  because 
of  thee  two  parties  will  come  to  ruin :  thy  overzealous  admirers 
and  «thy  passionate  haters."1  In  this  short  sentence,  put  into 
the  mouth  of  the  Prophet  by  a  retrospective  consideration  of 
history,  is  clearly  indicated  the  main  source  of  the  decompo- 
sition of  Islam  in  the  past  and  present.  For  endless  woe  has 
been  inflicted  upon  the  professors  of  Islam  by  Ali  and  his 
descendants,  the  Alids.  In  the  first  battle,  in  which,  betraying 
the  principle  of  "  jihad,"  Muhammedans  fought  against  Muham- 
medans,  it  was  the  name  of  Ali  that  served  as  the  war-cry,  and 
his  name  is  still  the  watchword  which  splits  the  Muhammedan 
world  into  two  hostile  fractions.  Streams  of  blood  and,  what 
is  perhaps  more  important,  streams  of  ink,  representing  the 
mental  energy  of  the  best  and  noblest  in  Islam,  were  shed  to 
defend  or  to  reject  the  claims  of  the  Alids.  But  their  claims 
are  not  yet  settled,  the  minds  by  no  means  pacified,  and  the  cry' 
of  revenge  "Hasan!  Husein!"  sounds  with  undiminished  vio- 
lence through  the  lands  of  the  Shi'a,  arousing  hatred  and  enmity 
in  the  hearts  of  its  believers.2 

1  Shahrastani,  ed.  Cureton,  i,  p.  15. 

2  On  the  Shiitic   Muharram  festival  see  Dozy,  Essai  sur  Vhistoire  de 
rislamisme,  p.  449  sq.     An  extremely  graphic  description  of  an  eye- 
witness may  be  found  in  Horn,  Geschichte  der  persischen  Litteratur, 
1901,  p.  209  sq. 

VOL.   XXVIII.  1 


2  I.  Friedh  tender,  [1907. 

But  more,  perhaps,  than  to  the  outward  destinies  of  Islam 
has  the  influence  of  Ali  and  the  Alids  proved  pernicious  to  its 
inner  development.  With  no  merit,  nay,  with  no  intention  on 
their  part,  but  merely  as  the  result  of  a  tragic  constellation  of 
historical  events,  did  the  ill-fated  Alids  become  the  figure-heads 
of  certain  movements  within  Islam  which  ultimately  aimed  at 
undermining  its  foundations  and  giving  it  an  entirely  new 
appearance.  For  Islam,  represented  by  the  Arabs,  had  subju- 
gated not  only  countries  and  nations,  but  also  religions  and  cul- 
tures. The  non- Arabic  races  of  the  conquered  countries  who 
mostly  for  political  reasons — to  get  the  full  measure  of  the 
benefits  equally  accorded  by  Islam  to  all  its  adherents — became 
converts  to  the  new  faith,  could  hardly  find  their  spiritual  satis- 
faction in  a  religion  which  was  so  entirely  different  from  their 
own  and  in  many  respects  decidedly  inferior  to  it.  Their  dis- 
appointment in  finding  their  religious  demands  unsatisfied  must 
have  been  as  keen  as  their  disappointment  in  finding  that  their 
hopes  for  political  equality  were  unfulfilled.  No  wonder  then 
that  under  the  guise  of  the  new  faith  these  converts  persistently 
clung  to  their  old  beliefs  and  even  endeavored  to  smuggle  into 
Islam  some  of  their  most  cherished  ideas  which  were  esseitf  ially 
un-Islamic  and  for  the  most  part  even  anti-Islamic.  The  result 
of  these  endeavors  was  the  formation  of  a  large  number  of  sects 
with  a  peculiar,  often  grotesque  mixture  of  extremely  hetero- 
geneous elements.  The  Caliphs  as  the  official  heads  of  orthodox 
Islam  were  no  less  hateful  to  these  non- Arabic  sectarians  than  they 
were  to  them  in  their  capacity  as  representatives  of  the  Arabic 
political  supremacy.  Under  these  circumstances  the  "House  of 
the  Prophet" — as  Ali  and  his  descendants  were  commonly 
called — which  itself  had  been  wronged,  or  had  been  considered 
wronged,  by  the  ruling  powers,  became  the  natural  center  of  all 
dissatisfaction — economic,  political,  religious — that  had  been 
rapidly  accumulating  in  Islam  after  its  glorious  inception.  The 
heterodox  sects  which  arose  in  the  first  century  of  the  Ilijra,  in 
themselves  a  violent,  though  veiled,  protest  against  victorious 
Islam,  were  thus  driven  towards  Shiism,  i.  e.  towards  Ali  and 
his  dynasty  as  the  representatives  of  the  opposition;  with  the 
result,  not  less  tragic  than  paradoxical,  that  the-" Mouse  of  the 
Prophet,"  which  derived  its  claim  exclusively  from  its  connec- 
tion with  the  founder  of  Islam,  was  chiefly  instrumental  in 
destroying  or  disfiguring  his  life-work. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The,  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  3 

This  remarkable  process,  which  under  the  name  of  "  Shiism  " 
has  powerfully  influenced  the  destinies  of  Islam,  is  known  to  us 
but  in  the  roughest  outlines.  The  political  tendencies  in  early 
Islam  are  becoming  more  and  more  transparent,  owing  to  recent 
important  investigations  in  this  field.  We  are  now  able  clearly 
to  pursue  the  rise  and  development  of  political  parties  within 
Islam  and  the  manifold  tendencies  that  were  working  under 
the  surface.  As  far  as  the  political  aspect  of  Shiism  is  con- 
cerned, it  fully  participates  in  the  increase  of  our  knowledge  of 
Muhammedan  history.  But  we  have  a  very  imperfect  notion  of 
the  rise  and  development  of  the  religious  tendencies  in  Shiism 
and  the  sources  from  which  thev  were  derived.1 


1  The  origin  of  Shiism  is  still  a  problem  which  is  as  little  settled,  or 
perhaps  less  settled,  than  it  was  scores  of  years  ago.  Formerly  the 
influence  of  Persian  ideas  on  the  rise  of  the  Shi'a  was  advocated  as  a 
matter  of  course  by  men  like  Kremer,  Dozy, 'August  Milller,  and  recently 
(although  in  contradiction  with  his  sound  remarks  in  the  introduction) 
by  Blochet  (le  Messianisme  dans  I'heterodoxie  Musulmane,  Paris  1903). 
This  assumption  is  apparently  based  on  two  arguments:  (1)  on  the 
adherence  of  modern  Persia  to  Shiism,  and  (2)  on  the  resemblance 
between  the  doctrine  of  incarnation  taught  by  Shiism  and  a  similar 
conception  current  in  Central  Asia  (cf.  Kremer,  Geschichte  der  herr- 
schenden  Ideen  des  Mams,  pp.  14,  361,  377).  But  the  former  argument 
is  refuted  by  the  fact  that  as  late  as  1500  A.D.  Persia  was  in  great  part 
Sunnite  (Noldeke,  Sketches  from  Eastern  History,  p.  101).  As  for  the 
latter  argument,  one  does  not  see  why  the  doctrine  of  incarnation  should 
not  rather  be  attributed,  as  was  already  suggested  by  the  great  Ibn 
Khaldun  and  even  earlier  Muhammedan  writers,  to  the  influence  of 
Christianity.  Wellhausen  (Die  religios-politischen  Oppositionsparteien 
im  alien  Islam,  Berlin  1901,  p.  91)  pointed  to  a  certain  heterodox  doc- 
trine of  Judaism  as  the  probable  source  of  Shiism.  But  his  view  is 
based  upon  the  report  of  Tabari.  which  essentially  contradicts  that  of 
Shahrastani  and  similar  writers  (contrary  to  note  1  on  p.  91)  and  deserves 
as  little  credit  as  the  information  of  Tabari  about  the  political  role  of  the 
founders  of  Shiism  disproved  by  Wellhausen  himself  (in  his  Skizzen  und 
Vorarbeiten,  vi,  p.  124).  Again,  van  Vloten,  as  already  de  Sacy,  laid, 
among  other  things,  great  stress  on  the  Messianic  tendencies  in  early 
Islam  as  the  main  source  of  Shiism  (see  van  Vloten,  Recherch.es  sur  la 
domination  arabe,  le  Cliiitisme  et  les  croyances  messianiques  sous  le  Khali- 
fat des  Omayades,  Amsterdam,  1894,  p.  54  sq.  and  de  Sacy,  Expose  de  la 
religion  des  Druses,  I.  xxxi  sq. ).  But  they  both  erred  in  putting  too  much 
confidence  in  the  accounts  of  the  Arabic  writers  on  'Abdallah  ibn  Saba, 
the  enigmatic  founder  of  Shiism, — accounts  which  can  be  easily  proved 
to  be  apocryphal  (see  the  index  to  this  treatise,  s.v.  'Abdallah  ibn  Saba). 


4  Z  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

Nearly  three  score  and  ten  years  have  passed  since  Silvestre  de 
Sacv,  the  originator  of  modern  Arabic  scholarship,  attempted 
to  give  a  systematic  presentation  of  Shiism  in  the  introductory 
chapters  of  his  Expose  de  la  religion  des  Druses  (two  volumes, 
1838).  Almost  a  whole  literature  has  since  been  rescued  from 
oblivion  and  access  has  been  given  to  historical  sources  then 
scarcely  dreamt  of.  Yet  a  pragmatic  history  of  Shiism  which 
would  reveal  to  us  the  inner  workings  and  the  organic  develop- 
ment of  this  movement  is  still  ^a  desideratum,  and  will  probably 
remain  a  desideratum  for  a  long  time  to  come.  This  peculiar 
condition  is  by  no  means  due  to  a  lack  of  zeal  on  the  part  of 
modern  Arabists.  It  can  and  must  be  primarily  attributed  to  a 
twofold  circumstance:  to  the  nature  of  the  problem  itst-1  f,  and 
to  the  character  of  the  historical  material  dealing  with  it. 

One  of  the  main  obstacles  that  prevent  a  proper  understanding 
of  the  Shiitic  movement  lies  in  the  nature  of  the  problem,  i.  e. 
in  the  extremely  heterogeneous  character  of  its  constituent  ele- 
ments. Possibly  the  rise,  but  certainly  the  development  of 
Shiism  took  place  in  'Irak,  in  the  province  of  ancient  Babylonia 
shortly  before  wrested  from  the  Persians,  in  a  country  when-,  as 
perhaps  in  no  other,  different  and  even  conflicting  civilizations 
succeeded  and  penetrated  one  another.  For  thousands  of  years 
'Irak  had  been  saturated  with  the  overwhelming  Babylonian 
culture  which,  though  in  other  forms  and  through  other  channels, 
as,  e.  g.,  the  movement  of  Mani  or  the  peculiar  sect  of  the 
Maudaeans,  exerted  its  influence  centuries  after  it  had  disap- 
peared from  the  surface.  It  passed  through  the  hands  of  the 
Seleucids  and  was  for  nearly  eight  centuries  the  seat  of  the 
powerful  civilization  of  Iran  as  represented  by  the  Arsarids  and 
Sassanids.  It  sheltered  for  a  long  period  a  large  Christian  pop- 
ulation which  took  an  active,  if  not  a  leading,  part  in  the 
spiritual  life  of  the  country,  serving  as  a  medium  not  only  for 

The  writer  himself  ventured  to  suggest  (in  his  inaugural  lecture  on 
"  Die  Messiasidee  im  Islam."  printed  in  Festschrift  zum  siebzigsten 
Geburtstage  A.  Berliner's,  Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1903,  pp.  116-130)  as  the 
germ  of  Shiism  a  combination  of  the  Jewish  belief  in  the  advent  of  the 
Messiah  with  the  Christian  heterodox  doctrine  of  Docetism,  so  widely 
spread  in  early  Islam.  This  is  not  the  place  to  enter  into  details.  But 
the  variety  of  suggestions  undoubtedly  proves  the  uncertainty  still 
besetting  this  fundamental  question  of  Shiism. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  5 

the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  but  also  for  various  phases  of 
Greek  thought.  'Irak  was  for  many  centuries  the  numerical 
and  spiritual  center  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  on  its  soil 
Talmudic  Judaism  grew  up  and  matured  as  a  leading  force  in 
Jewish  life.  All  these  so  very  heterogeneous  influences  came  to 
bear  upon  young  Islam,  and  the  latter,  unsettled  as  yet,  was  not 
able  to  resist  this  manifold  pressure.  Since  the  bearers  of  these 
cultures  were  the  non-Arabic  races,  and  the  latter,  deceived  in 
their  political  expectations,  joined  the  political  opposition, 
these  new  influences  also  came  to  be  associated  with  this  oppo- 
sition, i.  e.  Shiism,  and  the  foreign  elements  in  consequence 
found  their  first  and  foremost  representatives  in  the  sects  of  the 
Shiites.  In  order  therefore  to  gain  a  clear  conception  of  the 
elements  of  Shiism  and  of  its  subsequent  .development  amidst 
foreign  cultures,  it  will  first  be  necessary  to  gain  a  clear  concep- 
tion of  these  foreign  cultures  themselves  and  of  their  condition 
at  the  time  when  they  came  in  contact  with  Islam ;  a  difficult 
and  complicated  task  which  practically  lies  beyond  the  province 
of  Muhammedan  historiography. 

Another  equally  important  drawback  is  to  be  found  in  the 
character  of  the  historical  material  dealing  with  Shiism.  The 
main  source  of  our  knowledge  of  Shiitic  as  well  as  Muhamme- 
dan sects  in  general  are  the  numerous  books  on  "  Religions  and 
Sects,"  mostly  belonging  to  the  third  and  fourth  century  of  the 
Hijra,  of  which  the  book  of  Shahrastani  is  the  chief  and  best 
known  specimen.  We  certainly  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude  and 
admiration  to  the  authors  of  this  "  Milal  wa?n-Nihal"  litera- 
ture; doubly  so  when  we  remember  that  they  were  orthodox 
Muhammedans  who  firmly  believed  themselves  to  be  the  sole 
possessors  of  divine  truth  and  consequently  must  have  consid- 
ered it  a  mere  luxury  to  describe  and  refute  doctrines  branded 
beforehand  as  falsehoods  and  heresies.  At  the  same  time  we 
must  not  forget  that  it  is  the  very  same  belief  which  greatly 
detracts  from  the  value  of  their  historical  endeavors.  The  cer- 
titude with  which  they  regarded  their  opponents  as  a  host  of 
heretics  who  had  forfeited  their  salvation  and  deserved  physical 
and  spiritual  extermination,  was  by  no  means  conducive  to  his- 
torical objectiveness.  It  was,  on  the  contrary,  likely  to  have  the 
reverse  effect  in  inducing  them  to  ascribe  to  these  heretics 
tenets  which  they  never  held,  and  to  give  to  the  tenets  actually 


6  Z  Jfriedlaender,  [1907. 

held  by  them  such   interpretations  as  would   disgust  and  deter 
the  orthodox  reader. 

This  difficulty  is  seriously  aggravated  by  another  circum- 
stance ^which  has  had  disastrous  consequences  for  the  whole 
field  of  Muhammedan  history  of  religion.  Owing  to  a  lin- 
guistic misunderstanding  of  an  old  tradition,1  probably  also 
under  the  influence  of  astrological  ideas,2  the  Prophet  was 
credited  with  a  saying  according  to  which  Islam  will  be  divided 
into  73  sects,  of  which  72  will  be  doomed  and  only  a  single  one 
will  be  saved.  This  hadith  received  its  final  shape  in  a  com- 
paratively late  age.  For  the  well-known  traveller  Mukaddasi 
(wrote  about  373/985),  who  displays  so  vivid  an  interest  in  all 
matters  theological,  is  still  acquainted  with  another  more  toler- 
ant, but  to  the  Muhammedans,  so  jealous  of  their  Paradise, 
extremely  painful  form  of  the  hadith,  according  to  which  only  a 
'single  sect  will  be  doomed,  while  the  remaining  72  will  be  saved.3 
However  this  may  be,  the  fact  remains  that  the  former  less 
tolerant  variant  gained  the  victory  and  "this  hadith,  which, 
with  very  slight  variations,  soon  came  to  be  generally  known, 
formed  the  basis  of  the  history  of  religions  and  sects  in  Muham- 
medan literature."*  Muhammedan  writers  on  dogmatic  history 
start  from  this  hadith  as  an  indisputable  fact  and  make  convul- 
sive endeavors  to  squeeze  out  the  required  number.  As  early  a 
historian  as  Mas'udi  (died  345/956)  considers  himself  bound 
by  this  hadith.5  'Abd  al-Kahir  al-Bagdadi  (died  429/1038), 
the  author  of  a  comprehensive  description  of  Muhammedan 
sects,8  presents  in  the  introduction  to  his  book  an  itemized, 
almost  businesslike,  account  of  the  73  sects.  Shahrastani  (died 
545/1153)  bases  upon  this  hadith  his  account  of  Muhammedan 
as  well  as  Jewish,  Christian  and  Zoroastrian  sects.  The  same 

1  Goldziher,  "  Beitrage  zur  Litteraturgeschichte  der  Schia,"  in  Sitz- 
ungsberichte  der  philos.-histor.  Classe  der  Kaiserlichen  Akademie  der 
Wissenschaften  zu  Wien,  vol.  78  (1874),  p.  445.     The  same  writer  in  his 
article  ' '  le  denombrement  des  sectes  Mohametanes  "  in  Revue  de  rhis- 
toire  des  Religions,  vol.  26  (1892),  p.  129  sq. 

2  See  Steinschneider,  "Die  kanonische  Zah.1  der  muhammedanischen 
Secten  "  in  ZDMG.  iv,  p.  145  sq. 

3  Mukaddasi,  ed.  de  Goeje,  p.  39.      Fakhr  ad-Din  ar-Razi,  died  6()6h,  is 
still  acquainted  with  this  variant,  Goldziher,  le  denombrement,  etc.,  p. 
132.  6  MurtiJ  ad-Dahab,  v,  475. 

4  Goldziher,  ibid.,  p.  131.  6  See  later,  p.  26  sq. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  7 

holds  good  in  the  case  of  other  contemporaneous  historians. 
Later  writers  go  even  further.  The  principle  "  ikhtilaf  al-um- 
mati  rahmatun  " — "the  difference  of  opinion  in  the  community 
(of  Islam)  is  an  act  of  (Divine)  mercy  '"  — which  was  laid  down 
to  serve  as  an  extenuating  circumstance  for  the  existence  of 
different  legalistic  sects  in  Islam,  was,  of  course,  not  extended 
to  the  heterodox  sects.  Here,  on  the  contrary,  the  differences 
and  contradictions  had  to  be  regarded  as  a  sign  of  warning, 
indicating  the  perilous  nature  of  these  sects.  The  more  numer- 
ous and  the  more  contradictory  these  differences  appeared,  the 
more  likely  was  the  faithful  Muslim  to  be  deterred  from  any 
connivance  to  their  heresies.  L#ter  writers  yield  to  this  ten- 
dency and,  in  consequence,  widely  exceed  the  number  of  72, 
claimed  by  the  saying  of  the  Prophet  for  the  heterodox  sects. 
To  satisfy  their  religious  conscience,  these  writers  interpret  this 
number  as  representing  the  principal  non-orthodox  sects  and, 
thus  freed  from  the  restraint  of  tradition,  enumerate  such  a 
motley  multitude  of  sects  and  sections  that  the  "  ahl  as-Sunna 
wa'1-jama'a"  cannot  help  recognizing  the  enormous  superiority 
of  their  own  firmly  established  creed  over  the  fluctuating  false- 
hoods of  their  opponents.  Makrizi's  account>  of  heterodox 
sects2  may  be  taken  as  a  typical  specimen  of  this  artificial  enu- 
meration of  sects.  "The  Rawafid  (or  Shiites),  says  Makrizi 
(died  845/1442)  who  largely  draws  from  old  sources,  number 
tli >•<  i:  Imndred  sects,  of  which  twenty  are  well-known."3  "The 
KhatTaniwa  (a  small  faction  of  the  Shi 'a)  are  divided  into 

.  .  *    »  \  / 

fifty  st'Cts."4     Many  other  examples  of  this  kind  can  easily  be 
quoted. 

This  tendency  toward  multiplying  the  number  of  heterodox 
sects  is  unhappily  strengthened  by  a  peculiar  feature  of  the 
Arabic  language,  I  mean  the  pliability  of  the  nisba  ending. 
For  by  far  more  readily  than  any  modern  language  with  its 
borrowed  "isms"  is  the  Arabic  language  able  to  handle  its 
ending  "  iyya"  appending  it  with  wonderful  ease  not  only  to 
all  kinds  of  nouns,  either  designating  things,  or  persons,  coun- 
tries and  the  like,  but  practically  to  every  part  of  speech. 
This  linguistic  contrivance  enables  the  theologians  to  manufac- 

1  Cf.  Goldziher,  Zahiriten,  p.  94  sq. 
-  Khitat,  ii,  p.  344  sq.        3  Ibid.,  p.  351.  4  Ibid.,  p.  352. 


8  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

ture  any  number  of  sects  required  for  special  purposes.  Their 
descriptions,  in  consequence,  offer  an  artificial  system  of  names 
which  for  the  most  part  lack  all  historical  significance,  being 
nothing  but  variations  of  real  names,  and  the  identification  of 
the  sects  thus  becomes  a  matter  of  utmost  difficulty.1 

Before  we  shall  be  able  to  get  at  the  historical  kernel  and 
disentangle  it  from  the  chaos  piled  up  around  it  by  pious  men- 
dacity, the  compulsion  of  a  religious  tradition  and  the  deceptive 
use  of  a  pliable  language,  a  long  series  of  preliminary  investi- 
gations will  have  to  be  undertaken  and  concluded.  As  -for 
Shiism  in  particular,  the  first  thing  to  be  done  will  be  to  make 
accessible  all  the  available  material  bearing  on  this  important 
section  of  Islam.  This  new  material,  together  with  that  already 
known,  should  then  be  carefully  sifted  and  their  respective  data 
critically  weighed  against  each  other.  '  The  results  thus  arrived 
at,  presenting,  as  they  would,  the  actual,  not  the  imaginary, 
tenets  of  the  Shiites,  ought  to  be  compared  with  and  verified 
by  what  we  know  of  the  cultures  that  might  be  thought  of  as 
the  possible  sources  of  these  tenets.  Only  then,  when  this  pre- 
liminary work  will  have  been  done,  shall  we  be  able  to  attain  to 
what  is  nothing  perhaps  in  the  eyes  of  Muhammedan  theolo- 


1  A  few  examples  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the  assertions  made  in  the 
text.  They  can  be  multiplied  ad  libitum.  A  part  of  the  Keisaniyya 
believed  in  the  "bada"(see  the  index  to  this  treatise  s.h.v.).  Incon- 
sequence a  special  sect  of  Badaiyya  figures  in  tji's  Mawdkif  (p.  848). 
Some  of  the  Shiites  held  the  belief  in  the  advent  of  the  Mahdi  (raj 'a)  or 
in  the  transmigration  of  souls  (tanasukh).  Makrizi  therefore  records 
two  new  sects  :  the  Raj'iyya  and  Tanasukhiyya  (Khifat  ii,  354).  The 
followers  of  Muhammed  b.  Nu'tnan  with  the  nickname  Shaitan  at-Tak 
are  called  the  Nu'maniyya  or  Shaitaniyya  (see  index  s.h.v.).  But  it 
would  not  appear  in  any  way  strange,  were  this  sect  to  be  designated  as 
the  Muhammadiyya  (after  his  first  name),  the  Ja'fariyya  (after  his 
kunya  Abu  Ja'far),  al-Ahwaliyya  (after  his  by-name,  al-Ahwal),  or  were 
this  sect  to  derive  its  name  from  the  Mahdis  worshipped  or  the  tenets 
professed  by  it.  It  will  be  seen  in  the  course  of  this  treatise,  to  what 
extent  the  recognition  of  the  actual  relations  between  Shiitic  sects  is 
hampered  by  this  artificial  variety  of  names.  It  may  be  mentioned  in 
this  connection  that  the  same  tendency  with  the  same  disastrous  results 
prevails  in  Makrlzi's  account  on  the  sects  of  Judaism  (Khitat,  ii,  476-480). 
— Dozy(Essaisur  Fhistoire  de  T Islamisme,  p.  197)  and  Kremer  (Culturge- 
schichte  ii,  400)  have  already  pointed  to  the  pernicious  effect  of  the  hadith 
in  the  number  of  sects. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  9 

gians,  but  is  everything  to  us  :  a  history  of  the  development  of 
Shiism  in  connection  with  the  history  of  Muharamedan  culture. 
In  this  light,  as  a  contribution  towards  the  building  material 
for  a  pragmatic  history  of  the  Shi 'a,  this  treatise  is  herewith  pre- 
sented, centering,  as  it  does,  around  an  account  on  Shiitic  sects 
by  an  Arabic  writer  who  preceded  Shahrastani  by  a  full  century. 

This  account,  however,  considerably  increases  in  value  and 
interest  when  we  think  of  the  man  from  whose  pen  it  came. 
For  'All  b.  Ahmed  ibn  Hazm  is  one  of  those  sharply  marked 
individualities  who  are  so  exceedingly  rare  in  ijmd '-ridden 
Islam,  despite  its  enormous  store  of  mental  energy.  Ibn  Hazm 
was  not  a  pet  of  destiny.  His  greatness  was  neither  recognized 
by  his  jealous  contemporaries  nor  duly  appreciated  by  a  narrow- 
minded  posterity.  But  should  the  mental  products  of  Ibn 
Hazm  be  rescued  from  the  oblivion  to  which  fanatical  zeal  and 
unreasonable  neglect  had  doomed  them,  he  will  be  acknowledged 
not  only  as  the  unrivalled  representative  of  literary  Spain,  but 
as  one  of  the  greatest  men  in  the  whole  dominion  of  Islam. 

'All  b.  Ahmad  b.  Sa'id  b.  Hazm  b.  Galib  b.  Salih1  Aba 
Mohammed  was  born  in  Cordova  in  the  year  384/994,  as  the 
son  of  Ahmad  b.  Sa'id,  who  occupied  a  prominent  official  posi- 
tion under  the  famous  Almansor  and  his  successor.  Ibn  Hazm's 
early  life  thus  coincided  with  the  most  stirring  period  in  the 
history  of  Muhammedan  Spain,  when  the  mighty  edifice  of  the 
Omeyyad  caliphate  began  to  totter  and  in  a  series  of  terrible 
shocks  broke  up  into  a  number  of  petty  states.  Owing  to  the 
position  occupied  by  his  father,  Ibn  Hazm  could  not  and  would 
not  stand  aside,  but  took  an  immediate  and  prominent  part  in 
the  political  vicissitudes  of  his  country.  It  was  however  a  for- 
tunate circumstance  for  him,  and  still  more  so  for  Arabic  litera- 
ture, that  the  constellation  of  events  put  an  early  end  to  his 
political  career  and,  as  it  were,  by  force  made  of  the  brilliant 
statesman  a  brilliant  scholar. 

1  This  genealogy  is  recorded  by  al-Kifti,  see  Catalogus  Codicum  Ara- 
bicorum  Bibliothecae  Academiae  Lugdimo-Batavae^,  i  (1888),  p.  269.  A 
short  biography  of  Ibn  Hazm  is  given  by  Wiistenfeld,  Geschichtschrei- 
ber  der  Araber.  No.  202,  and  by  Brockelmann,  Geschichte  der  arabi- 
schen  Litteratur,  i,  400.  But  some  of  their  statements  are  erroneous, 
at  least  misleading,  as  can  easily  be  seen  from  a  comparison  of  their 
data  with  those  given  above.  The  sources  for  Ibn  Hazm's  biography 
are  quoted  by  Brockelmann. 


10  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

The  ancestors  of  Ibn  Hazm  appear  to  have  been  Christians 
who  lived  in  the  district  of  Niebla.  His  great-grandfather 
Hazm  is  said  to  have  been  converted  to  the  faith  of  Islam.1 
But  this  origin  apparently  possessed  little  attraction  for  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Moorish  aristocracy  who  was  -besides  a  passionate 
hater  of  Christianity.  He  was  therefore  anxious  to  improve 
his  pedigree  and  followed  the  example  of  his  father,  who,,  being 
an  Omeyyad  official,  shrewdly  claimed  as  his  progenitor  a  cer- 
tain Persian  who  enjoyed  the  clientship  of  Yazid,  a  brother  of 
Mu'awiya,  the  founder  of  the  Omeyyad  dynasty.5  Whether 
this  claim  was  the  cause  or  the  effect,  Ibn  Hazm  at  any  rate 
always  remained  an  ardent  partisan  of  the  Omeyyads,  and  in 
the  terrible  struggle  that  was  raging  around  this  dynasty  gal- 
lantly fought  and  staunchly  suffered  in  their  behalf.  In  1013, 
when  the  Berbers  captured  Cordova  and  gave  full  vent  to  their 
wild  passions,  Ibn  Hazm's  beautiful  palace  in  Balat  Mugith, 
the  eastern  suburb  of  Cordova,3  fell  a  prey  to  the  flames.4  In 
1016  Kheiran,  the  leader  of  the  Slavs,  having  raised  the  Berber 
'Ali  b.  Hammud  to  the  throne,  sent  Ibn  Hazm  to  prison  for  his 
allegiance  to  the  Omeyyad  cause,  and  later  banished  him  to 
Azna'l-Kazar,  near  Seville.5  Again  in  1018,  when  the  unscru- 
pulous Kheiran,  who  had  become  tired  of  the  independent 
Hammudite,  proclaimed  'Abdarrahman  IV.  al-Murtadha  calif  in 
Valencia,  Ibn  Hazm  hastened  to  join  the  Omeyyad  prince,  and 
bravely  fought  on  his  side  against  the  Berbers.  'Abdarrahman, 
betrayed  by  Kheiran,  was  defeated  and  slain  and  his  partisan 
Ibn  Hazm  was  captured  by  the  victorious  Berbers  and  kept  in 
prison  for.  some  length  of  time.  Once  more  was  Ibn  Ila/nu's 
star  to  rise,  but  only  to  disappear  speedily  and  forever.  By  a 
desperate  effort  the  Cordovans  succeeded  in  ridding  themselves 
of  their  Berber  oppressors,  and  on  December  1,  1023,  'Abdar- 
rahman V.,  al-Mustazhir,  son  of  the  murdered  'Abdurrahman  IV, 
was  proclaimed  by  a  plebiscit  in  the  Mosque  Caliph  of  Spain. 
Ibn  Hazm  was  soon  near  his  youthful  sovereign,  who  was  also 
his  friend,  and  was  at  once  raised  by  him  to  the  dignity  of 
vizier.  But  in  less  than  seven  weeks  'Abdarrahman  was 


1  Dozy,  Geschichte  der  Mauren  in  Spanien  (1874),  ii,  210. 

2  Ibidem.  3  Catalogue,  Leyden,  i,  267. 
4  Dozy,  ib.  p.  190.  5  Catal.'  p.  268. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  11 

attacked  and  slain  by  the  treacherous  mob  of  Cordova  and  Ibn 
Hazm  was  once  more  taken  prisoner.1  When  at  last  released, 
he  was  unable  to  find  a  resting-place  for  himself.  The  hatred 
of  narrow-minded  theologians  pursued  him  wherever  he  went 
and  the  rulers  of  the  various  states  were  induced  by  his  enemies 
to  refuse  him  their  hospitality.  Finally  he  settled  on  his  estate 
Mant  Lishfirn,  near  Labla,  and  there  spent  the  rest  of  his  life. 
Cured  of  his  political  ambitions,  he  devoted  himself  exclusively 
to  literary  activity,  surrounded  by  a  number  of  young  students, 
who  were  courageous  enough  to  seek  the  company  of  the  unpop- 
ular and  generally  persecuted  man.2  He  died -in  the  solitude  of 
his  estate  in  the  year  456/1064. 

The  leisure  thus  forced  upon  Ibn  Hazm  by  adverse  political 
circumstances  was  utilized  by  him  to  its  utmost  limits.  Ibn 
Hazm  became  an  author  of  that  stupendous  productivity  which 
we  find  so  characteristically  represented  in  Arabic  literature. 
The  Arabic  bibliographers  who  measure  a  man's  greatness  by 
the  size  and  weight  of  his  wastepaper  basket  faithfully  report 
that  Ibn  Hazm's  works  amounted  to  "a  camel's  load,"  and  we 
are  reliably  told  on  the  authority  of  his  son  that  their  number 
reached  the  formidable  sum  of  four  hundred.3  To  be  sure, 
Arabic  bibliography, '  as  bibliography  in  general,  is  more  con- 
cerned with  the  title-page  of  a  literary  work  than  with  its  con- 
tents, and  is  prone  to  confer  the  honorific  title  of  a  book  where 
one  would  rather  speak  of  a  pamphlet  or  even  a  circular. 
Yet  with  all  these  limitations,  Ibn  Hazm's  productivity  lays 
claim  to  our  unreserved  admiration. 

We  must,  however,  be  careful  not  to  become  prejudiced 
against  Ibn  Hazm's  writings  because  of  their  quantity.  We 
would  do  the  man  gross  injustice,  were  we  to  put  him  on  the 
same  plane  with  some  of  the  Arabic  polygraphs,  those  living 
writing-machines  whose  activity,  is  more  a  matter  of  persever- 
ance than  of  ability.  On  the  contrary,  the  trait  that  strikes  one 
in  Ibn  Hazm  first  is  his  originality  and  its  outward  Complement, 
brilliancy.  It  is  this  originality,  coupled  with  truthfulness  and 
fearlessness,  which  stamps  Ibn  Hazm  as  a  really  great  man.  His 
originality  is  perhaps  best  testified  by  the  fact  that,  though  he 


1  Dozy,  ib.  p.  205  sq. 
•  Catalogue  Leyden  (first  edition),  i,  230.  3  Ibidem. 


12  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

himself  was  more  orthodox  than  the  orthodox,  his  writings  were 
accorded  the  honor  of  a  public  auto-da-fe  in  his  lifetime1  and 
were  pursued  by  prohibitions  long  after  his  death.3  The  light 
in  which  posterity  judged  this  originality  is  strikingly  illustrated 
by  the  protest  of  the  famous  mystic  Ibn  'Arabi  (died  634/1240), 
who  emphatically  denies  to  be  one  of  those  who  constantly 
repeat:  "Thus  saith  Ibn  Hazm.'13  As  to  the  brilliancy  of  his 
style,  it  is  charmingly  displayed  in  the  graceful  description  of  his 
early  love,  which  won  for  him  the  distinction,  conferred  upon 
him  by  the  best  judge  of  Moorish  culture,  himself  a  brilliant 
writer,  of  being  the  most  thoughtful  poet  of  Spain,4  and  it  mani- 
fests itself  with  equal  power  in  the  violent  sarcasm  of  his  polem- 
ics, which  originated  the  later  phrase  designating  the  tongue 
of  Ibn  Hazm  as  a  twin-brother  of  the  bloody  sword  of  the 
famous  general  Hajjaj  b.  Yusuf.6 

One  of  the  chief  products  of  Ibn  Hazm's  literary  activity  is 
the  work  to  which  this  treatise  is  mainly  devoted:  his  "  Kit<'il> 
al-Milal  i0a'-n-JY7//a/,"  the  "Book  on  Religions  and  Sort*."* 
The  originality  of  his  mind  shows  itself  in  the  very  design  of 
the  book,  which  is  the  first  attempt — termed  "genius-like  "  by 
the  foremost  authority  on  the  religion  of  Islam7 — to  extend  the 
legalistic  system  of  the  Zahirite  school  over  the  whole  field  of 
Muhammedan  dogmatics.  As  for  the  brilliancy  of  his  style,  it 
is  perhaps  nowhere  shown  to  better  advantage  than  in  the  chap- 
ters directed  against  Judaism  and  Chi'istianity,  which  are  an 
inimitable  specimen  of  the  Arabic  art  of  "  mujadala,"  and, 
despite  the  abusive  and  sometimes  even  vulgar  language,  are  a 
delightful  example  of  Arabic  scientific  prose. 

This  work  moreover  bears  witness  to  other  qualities  of  Ibn 
Hazm  which  mark  him  as  the  most  eminent  historian  of  religion 
in  Arabic  litterature  and  attach  to  his  information  exceptional 
value  and  importance.  One  is  struck  at  the  outset  with  the 

!/&.  230,  234. 

*  Haji  Chalfa  vi,  115. — Ibn  Chaldun,  Mtikaddima,  ed.  Quatremere,  i, 
p.  4.  3ZDMG.  52,  516. 

4  Dozy,  Geschichte,  p.  211.  5Ibn  Khallikan,  g.v. 

6  On  the  variations  in  the  title  of  the  book  see  my  article  "  Zur  Kom- 
position  von  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wa'n-Nihal "  in  Orientalische  Studien,  i, 
(1896),  p.  267,  n.  1. 

1  Goldziher,  Zahiriten,  p.  136.- 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  13 

wide  outlook  of  the  author,  which  comprises  within  its  compass 
not  only  the  whole  of  the  Muhammedan  world,  but  extends  a 
vast  deal  beyond  it.  It  is  not  mere  boasting  on  his  part  when 
he  occasionally  remarks:1  "  We  have  come  in  contact  with,  and 
received  information  from,  people  of  distant  countries,  and  have 
always  been  anxious  to  enquire  into  things  that  were  unknown 
to  us.  We  have  had  at  our  disposal  numerous  historical 
works  containing  the  records  of  many  nations,  both  Arabs  and 
non-Arabs.  We  have  also  received  information  about  the 
kingdoms  of  the  Christians,  as  far  as  the  country  of  Rum 
(Byzantium),  also  about  the  kingdoms  of  the  Slavs,2  Turks, 
Hindus  and  Negros,  both  of  ancient  and  modern  times."  The 
work,  written  at  the  height  of  Moorish  culture,  displays  that 
broad  universal istic  spirit  by  which  nothing  human  is  deemed 
foreign,  and  his  arraignment  of  Judaism  and  Christianitv 
reveals  an  intimate  knowledge  of  other  religions  which  is 
quite  unique  during  the  middle  ages  and  very  rare  even  in 
modern  days.  But  though  a  scholar  of  vast  erudition,  Ibn 
Ila/m  was'by  no  means  a  book-worm.'  Ibn  Hazm  learned  from 
men  as  much  as,  or  even  more  than,  he  learned  from  books.  A 
vizier,  the  son  of  a  vizier,  he  was  in  early  life  involved  in  the 
vicissitudes  of  a  stirring  revolutionary  period.  He  saw  a  good 
deal  of  the  world  and  came  in  contact  with  all  sorts  and  con- 
ditions of  men,  turning  this  living  experience  into  excellent 
account  in  his  literary  work.  This  breath  of  life  is  the  most 
refreshing  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  valuable  feature  of 
Ibn  Hazm's  standard  work.  He  enjoyed  the  personal  acquain- 
tance not  only  of  representatives  of  various  shades  of  Muhamme- 
dan thought  and  dogma,  but  also  of  the  foremost  champions  of 
the  two  other  religions  of  Spain,  of  Judaism  and  Christianitv. 
When  still  in  Cordova  at  the  age  of  twenty,  he  discussed  Bibli- 
cal passages  with  the  famous  Jewish  statesman  and  scholar 
Joseph  ibn  Nagdela,3  and  the  Bishop4  as  well  as  the  Dayyan5 
of  Cordova  were  counted  among  his  friends.  References  to 
Christian  and  more  so  to  Jewish  contemporaries  are  very  fre- 

''  Milal  wa'n-Nihal,  ed.  Cairo,  i,  175. 

2  The  Vienna  manuscript  adds  '•  Khazars." 

8  M.  wa'n-N.,  i,  152  and  135.  4  Ib.  ii,  108. 

5  M.  wa'n-N.,  codex  Vienna,  fol.  100b. 


14  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

•  quent  in  his  book,1  and,  while  adding  considerable  weight  to  his 
information,  they  also  bear  splendid  evidence  as  to  Ibn  Hazm's 
many-sidedness  and  thirst  for  knowledge. 

Another  striking  trait  of  Ibn  Hazm's  personality  as  displayed 
in  this  book  is  his  critical  acumen  and  his  keen  power  of  obser- 
vation. Ibn  Hazm  keeps  an  open  eye  on  the  world  around  him 
and  perceives  things,  and  details  of  things,  which  would  escape  a 
less  keen  observer.  His  statements  are  never  blurred,  but 
always  definite  and  admirably  accurate.'  Though  a  thinker  of 
no  mean  order,  he  never  seeks  refuge  in  ambiguous  abstractions 
but  always  carries  the  analysis  of  things  down  to  their  minute 
details.  Many  an  interesting  specimen  of  this  thoroughness 
can  be  found  in  the  j\Iilal  wcCn-N'ihal.  Discussing  the  passage 
Matthew  xiii,  31-32,  he  polemically  remarks  that  the  author 
must  have  been  completely  ignorant  of  agriculture.  "We  s;i\\ 
the  mustard  plant  ourselves,  we  also  knew  others  who  had  seen 
it  in  distant  countries.  Yet  we  never  saw  nor  were  we  told  by 
those  who  had  seen  anything  of  the  plant  that  a  bird  could 
dwell  on  it."2  Referring  to  a  wide-spread  Jewish  legend3  which 
told  of  a  Jewish  sage  of  Bagdad  who  miraculously  came  over  to 
Cordova4  to  punish  a  certain  Ibn  al-Iskenderani  for  having 
oppressed  the  Jews  of  the  latter  city,  he  at  once  plunges  into  a 
description  of  the  man  and  his  family  and  the  place  where  they 
lived,  so  as  to  prove  the  absurdity  of  the  legend  and  the  men- 
dacity of  the  Jews.  His  lucid  and  scholarly  expositions  on  chro- 
nological, geographical  and  similar  complicated  questions  of 
Biblical  criticism  bear  witness  to  the  same  effect. 6 

But  the  characteristic  which  constitutes  the  real  greatness  of 
Ibn  Hazm  and  is  of  paramount  importance  for  the  subject  dealt 
with  in  this  treatise  is  his  truthfulness.  "  With  reference  to  the 
dogmas  (of  the  Shiites),  Abu  Muhammed  Ibn  Hazm's  l\it,'ih  <tl- 
Milalwai'n-Nilial — a  work,  lam  sorry  to  say,  not  yet  sufficiently 
studied,  but  in  every  respect  worthy  of  further  propagation  and 

1  Cmp.  Goldziher  in  Kobak's  Yeshurun  viii  (1872),  p.  76  sq.  and  Hirsh- 
feld  in  Jewish  Quarterly  Review  xiii  (1901),  p.  222  sq. 

•M.  wa'n-N.,ii,-64:.  z  Ib.  i,  156. 

4 The  Edition  (i.  156,  J.  2)  has  xtr>..^  %  which  may  only  be  a  misprint. 
The  manuscripts  of  Leyden  and  Vienna  have  the  correct  reading. 

s  Cmp.  his  lengthy  discussion  of  the  number  of  the  Jewish  military 
recruits,  i,  165  sq.,  or  his  geographical  explanations,  i,  166. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  15 

scrutiny — certainly  is  an  excellent  source.  He,  too,  is  polemical 
in  the  course  of  the  whole  work,  and  not  without  passion. 
Nevertheless  he  is  of  sufficient  historical  fidelity."1  Ibn  Hazm's 
truthfulness  is  of  the  right  sort,  being  as  anxious  to  say  the 
truth  as  to  avoid  an  untruth.  He  is  always  ready  to  call  a  spade 
a  spade  and  to  shower  upon  his  opponents  the  inexhaustible 
stream  of  Arabic  invectives.  His  attacks,  e.  g.,  on  al-Ash'ari, 
the  patron-saint  of  orthodox  Islam,  whom  he  stigmatizes  as  an 
infidel,  are  of  an  incredibly  violent  nature,  and  they  were  proba- 
bly the  cause  of  the  persecutions  to  which  his  writings  were 
subjected.  But  at  the  same  time  Ibn  Hazm  is  ready  to  do  jus- 
tice to  people  with  different  and  even  opposite  opinions.  In  his 
attacks  on  Jews  and  Christians  he  is  always  anxious  not  to  mis- 
judge things,  and  he  often  quotes  and  carefully  considers  their 
counter-arguments.  '"We  have  already  mentioned,"  remarks 
Ibn  Hazm  in  the  ctfurse  of  his  polemics,  "that  we  shall  not  use 
against  them  any  quotation  from  their  Torah  which  is  not  clear 
in  its  meaning,  since  the  opponent  might  reply  by  saying  that 
the  Lord  meant  by  it  anything  he  likes."2  In  the  same  spirit 
he  solemnly  pledges  himself,  in  the  introduction  to  his  treatise 
on  the  "  depravities  "  of  the  extreme  heterodox  sects,  a  subject 
which  invites  inispresentations,  that  he  will  never  charge  an 
opponent  \vith  a  heterodox  view  unless  he  can  justify  it  by  a 
verbal  quotation  from  the  opponent's  own  writings,  "be  he  an 
unbeliever,  a  heretic  or  a  mere  sinner,  since  lying  is  not  permissi- 
ble against  anybody.""  This  attitude  raises  Ibn  Hazm  far  above 
the  level  of  other  Muhammedan  writers  on  similar  subjects  and 
renders  his  statements  singularly  trustworthy. 

Last,  but  certainly  not  least,  Ibn  Hazm's  report  on  the  sects  of 
Islam  is  of  exceptional  value  because  of  its  being,  as  far  as  we 
know,  the  only  one  which  is  not  fettered  by  the  tradition  on  the 
73  sects.  In  consequence  of  his  rigid  conception  of  Muham- 
medan  tradition,4  Ibn  Hazm  completely  ignores  this  hadith, 
which  is  neither  recorded  by  Bukhari  nor  by  Muslim,  and 'no 
mention  of  it  is  made  throughout  the  bulky  work.  The  effect  is 
,.  at  once  evident  in  a  more  logical  division  of  Muhammedan  sects 

1  Goldziher.  Beitrage  zur  Litteraturgesvhichte  der  Schi'a.  p.  443. 

2  Milnl,  i,  165.  3  Milal,  iv,  178. 
4  Cmp.  Kremer,  herrschende  Ideen,  p.  138  sq. 


16  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

(see  later)  and  in  a  considerably  reduced  number  of  sect  names. 
We  may  safely  assume  that  each  name  recorded  in  the  31  Hal 
wa'n-Nihal  represents  a  historical  fact  and  nojt,  as  in  the  case 
of  all  other  writers,  a  mere  product  of  imagination. 

Having  allotted  so  much  space  to  the  merits  of  Ibn  Ha/m's 
work,  we  would  appear  not  quite  unbiassed  were  we  to  suppress 
all  mention  of  its  shortcomings.  As  early  as  in  the  fourteenth 
century  a  well-known  Mohammedan  theologian  emphasized  the 
superiority  of  Shahrastani's  book  over  that  of  Ibn  Hazm  on  the 
ground  that  the  latter  was  "scattered  and  without  proper  dis- 
position."1 Though  the  reproach  expressed  in  these  \\ords  loses 
much  of  its  force  when  the  history  of  the  book  is  more  closely 
considered,  yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  this  criticism  strikingly 
characterizes  the  book  of  Ibn  Hazm  in  distinction  from  that  of 
Shahrastani.  Ibn  Hazm  with  his  agile  mind  and  fiery  tempera- 
ment certainly  did  not  possess  the  academic  fishblood  of  the 
scholar  and  systematize!-  Shahrastani.  Ibn  Ha/nf  s  MHal  100*11- 
Xihal,  particularly  the  sections  dealt  with  in  the  present  treatise, 
indisputably  lack  the  systematic  roundness  and  scientific  classi- 
fication, so  conspicuous  in  the  rival  work.  More  especially  the 
account  on  the  Shiites  is  quite  unmethodical  and  often  very 
abrupt.  But  all  these  shortcomings  fade  into  insignificance 
before  the  great  characteristics  of  Ibn  Hazm's  personality :  his 
breadth  of  outlook,  his  power  of  observation  and,  above  all,  his 
fairness  of  judgment* 

The  Kitab  al-Milal  wd'n-Nilial  is  not  a  work  of  a  uniform 
and  harmonious  construction.  Its  composite  nature  can  be  easily 
traced  and  demonstrated.  On  another  occasion2 1  endeavored  to 
disclose  the  original  plan  of  the  book  and  the  way  it  was  carried 
out.  Here  it  will  suffice  to  state  the  results  arrived  at.  Origin- 
ally the  JJffal  n-fCn-Nihal  was  conceived  as  a  mainly  dogmatic 
composition.  The  description  of  the  religions  and  sects  proper 
occupied  but  a  fourth  of  the  work,  while  the  rest  scrutinized  the 
Muhammedan  dogmas  from  the  point  of  view  of  Zahirite  doc- 
trine. Subsequently,  however,  the  author  tried  to  do  more  jus- 
tice to  the  title  of  the  book  by  incorporating  with  it  two  large 


1  as-Subki,  quoted  by  Haji-Chalfa,  vi,  116. 

-  In  Orientalische  Studien,  1906,  published  on  the  seventieth  birthday 
of  Prof.  Noldeke,  pp.  267-277. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  17 

monographs  written  previously,  one  consisting  of  a  polemical 
treatise  directed  against  Judaism  and  Christianity,  the  other 
being  an  account  of  the  tenets  of  the  extreme  heterodox  sects 
of  Islam. 

Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wa'n-Nihal  is  preserved  in  five  manuscripts 
which  may  here  be  enumerated  in  chronological  order:  1)  A 
manuscript  of  the  University  Library  of  Leyden  (henceforward 
designated  as  L)  in  two  volumes,  the  first  dated  722h,  the  second 
734'1.1  2)  A  codex  in  the  British  Museum  (=Br)  consisting  of 
two  volumes  both  written  in  734h.2  3)  An  incomplete  manu- 
script of  the  Hofbibliothek  in  Vienna  (  =  V)  dated  109 11'.3  4) 
A  manuscript  in  Cairo  of  the  year  1271h  (see  later).  5)  A 
manuscript  in  three  volumes  in  the  library  of  Yale  University 
(=Y)  written  in  12981'.4  The  Cairo  manuscript  was  recently 
reproduced  in  a  printed  edition  (henceforward  designated  as  Ed) 
which  appeared  in  Cairo  in  five  parts  in  1317-1321'1.  A  glance 
at  the  various  manuscripts  reveals  the  existence  of  systematic 
divergencies  between  them  which  can  only  be  explained  as  repre- 
senting various  stages  in  the  composition  of  the  book.  Fliigel,6 
\vlio  only  saw  the  Vienna  manuscript,  already  observed  that 
the  words"  Says  Abti.  Muhammed,"  by  which  almost  every  para- 
graph of  the  book  is  introduced,  point  to  the  fact  that  the  book 
was,  from  dictation  or  otherwise,  written  down  and  edited  by  a 
strange  hand.  This  observation  seems  to  gain  support  from  the 
discrepancies  in  the  dates  mentioned  in  various  sections  of  the 
book.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of  his  work  Ibn  Hazm  speaks  of 
the  reign  of  Hisham  al-Mu'tadd  (418-4221')8  as  being  contempo- 
raneous. On  the  other  hand,  at  the  end  of  his  polemics  against 
Judaism  and  Christianity  he  refers  to  the  year  450h  'and  in  a 
passage  shortly  before  to  450  and  odd  years.  Again  in  a  later 
section  of  the  book  the  year  440  is  to  be  inferred  as  the  date  of 
composition.7  A  more  minute  scrutiny  disclosed  the  fact 

1  Catalogue  Leyden  (1866),  iv,  230  sq. 

5  Rieu,  Catalogus  codicum  mannscriptorum  orientalium  qui  in  Museo 
Britannico  asservantur,  London  1871,  ii,  p.  726. 

3  Fliigel,  Catalogue  Vienna  (1865),  ii,  No.  975. 

4  See  later,  p.  24. 

6  Ibidem,  p.  198  Anm.  1. 

6  Milal,  i,  p.  16.    The  Edition  has  Jc+JCjLjJI.     See  Lane-Poole,  Muham- 
medan  Dynasties  (1894),  p.  21,  and  Makkari  i,  191,  note  c,  and  282,  note  c. 
•  Milal,  iv,  94,  1.  2. 

VOL.   XXVIII.  2 


18  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

that  the  five  manuscripts  go  back  to  two  distinctly  marked  recen- 
sions. The  exact  relationship  between  these  two  recensions  can, 
of  course,  be  determined  only  by  means  of  a  careful  collation 
which  would  include  all  manuscripts  and  extend  over  the  whole 
book,  a  task  which,  in  consideration  of  the  size  of  the  Milal 
wotn-Nihal,  would  demand  an  enormous  amount  of  time  and 
patience.  Personally  I  have  been  able  to  collate  all  manuscripts 
extant  (with  the  exception  of  the  Cairo  manuscript,  which  is 
reproduced  in  the  printed  edition)  only  for  the  portions  trans- 
lated in  this  treatise.  I  have  also  consulted  the  manuscripts  of 
Ley  den  and  Vienna  for  many  a  passage  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
work,  especially  in  the  chapters  bearing  on  Judaism  and 
Christianity,  occasionally  also  in  the  latter  sections.  These  col- 
lations form  the  basis  of  the  following  observations,  which, 
because  of  the  fragmentary  character  of  the  former,  do  not  in 
any  way  pretend  to  be  exhaustive  or  definitive.  The  relation- 
ship between  the  various  codes  seems  to  differ  in  the  different 
sections  of  the  book.  In  the  earlier  part,  the  two  oldest  contem- 
poraneous codices,  L.  and  Br.,  belong  to  different  categories,  the 
latter  forming  one  group  with  V.,  the  former  siding  with  Y.  and 
Ed.  The  affinity  between  Br.  and  V.  is  here  of  so  close  a  nature 
that  it  can  be  explained  only  by  assigning  a  common  original  to 
both,  or  by  regarding  the  one  as  the  copy  of  the  other.  L.  and 
Y.  as  well  as  Ed.  go,  as  a  rule,  together.  But  they  also  show 
slight  variations  and  in  some  important  instances  correspond  with 
Br.  and  V.  The  latter  part  of  the  work  presents  quite  a  different 
aspect.  Eliminating  V. ,  which  is  defective,  we  can  see  at  a  glance 
that  L.  and  Br.  on  one  hand  and  Y.  and  Ed.  on  the  other  present 
two  sharply  marked  types.  The  resemblance  between  the 
manuscripts  of  each  group  is  so  striking  that  no  doubt  is  left  as 
to  the  identity  of  their  respective  originals. 

The  observations  just  offered  necessarily  remain  fragmentary 
and  uncertain,  owing  to  the  incompleteness  of  the  evidence  upon 
which  they  are  based.  A  closer  investigation  will  no  doubt 
bring  out  more  clearly  the  evidently  complicated  relations 
between  the  various  manuscripts.  One  fact,  however,  must  be 
noticed  right  here-.  In  the  chapter  bearing  on  Shiism,  which 
originally  formed  a  part  of  a  monograph  on  heterodox  sects, 

1  Zur  Komposition,  etc.,  p.  272  sq. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  19 

the  differences  between  the  two  recensions  are  not  mere  variants, 
but  frequently  affect  the  contents  to  a  considerable  extent. 
The  group  consisting  of  L.-Br.  offers  many  an  additional  read- 
ing which  is  of  historical  importance.  Some  variants  directly 
contradict  one  another.  It  is  therefore  important  to  establish 
the  relative  age  of  the  recensions.  Happily  there  is  one  pas- 
sage in  the  book  which  gives  us  an  important  hint  in  this  direc- 
tion. Speaking  of  the  Mahdi  of  the  Shiites,  who  was  born 
about  '2 GO1',1  he  slightingly  remarks:  "  And  they  (the  Shiites) 
are  still  waiting  fora  lost  object  since  180  years."2  L.-Br.  read 
"180  and  odd  years."  This  group  would  thus  appear  to  be  later 
by  a  feAV  years  than  the  recension  represented  by  Y.  and  Ed.  It 
must  however  be  admitted  that  in  face  of  the  divergencies  in  the 
<l;itcs  in  the  various  parts  of  the  book,  this  evidence  cannot  be 
regarded  as  conclusive,  and  may  perhaps  be  valid  only  for  the 
latter  part  of  the  book,  from  which  the  passage  under  considera- 
tion is  derived. 

The  texts  published  in  translation  in  this  treatise  consist  of 
four  pieces  derived  from  various  sections  of  the  Milal  wd'n- 
3 /'/>"/.  The  first  piece  is  composed  of  Ibn  Hazm's  general 
account  of  the  sects  of  Islam  and  serves  as  an  introduction  to 
his  elaborate  examination  of  the  Muhammedan  dogmas  to  which 
the  book  is  in  main  devoted.  This  account  is  very  brief,  quite 
in  accordance  with  its  introductory  character.  It  does  not  limit 
itself  to  the  Shiites,  but  presents  a  brief  survey  of  all  Muham- 
medan sects.  Since  the  description  of  Shiism  is  interwoven 
with  that  of  other  sects,  the  piece  had  to  be  given  in  extenso; 
a  limitation  to  Shiism  would  have  resulted  in  a  motley  number 
of  fragmentary  passages.  The  second  piece  in  this  treatise  is 
represented  by  the  chapter  on  Shiism  taken  from  the  originally 
independent  monograph  on  the  extreme  heterodox  sects,  which 
is  now  incorporated  with  the  Milal  wd?n-Nihal.  The  third 
piece  gives  an  extract  from  the  chapter  on  the  Imamate,  as  far 
as  it  has  an  immediate  bearing  on  the  tenets  of  Shiism.  The 
fourth,  and  last,  piece  gives  a  brief  synopsis  of  Shiism  which  is 

1  Or  rather  who  was  supposed  to  have  been  born.  Ibn  Haztn  denies 
his  existence  altogether ;  see  later,  pp.  48  and  76.  I  take  the  date  of  his 
father's  death.  The  officially  recognized  date  of  the  Mahdi's  birth  is 
2551'. 

3  Milal,  iv,  94,  1.  2. 


20  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

extant  only  in  the  manuscripts  of  Leyden  and  the  British 
.Museum,  and  is  therefore  presented  both  in  text  and  translation. 

The  reader  will  see  at  a  glance  that  the  second  piece  contain- 
ing the  chapter  on  Shiism  is  both  in  size  and  contents  the  most 
important  of  the  texts  published  below.  It  is,  in  fact,  the 
backbone  of  this  treatise.  To  be  sure,  the  chapter  in  question, 
as  has  already  been  hinted  at,  is  very  far  from  being  an  exhaust  i  ve 
or  even  comprehensive  presentation  of  Shiism.  As  far  as  this 
chapter  is  concerned,  its  incompleteness  may  be  explained  by  the 
fact  that  the  monograph,  of  which  it  originally  formed  a  part, 
limited  itself  by  the  very  title  to  the  "depravities,"  i.  e.  the 
extreme  sects  of  the  Shi'a.  But  it  must  also  be  admitted -that 
even  the  description  of  the  extreme  sects  is  fragmentary  and 
abrupt,  and  that  the  same  abruptness  is  to  be  noticed  in  the 
other  texts.  Yet,  in  spite  of  this  defect,  Ibn  Hazm's  account  is 
of  great  historical  value.  It  contains  a  number  of  facts  which 
have  hitherto  not  been  known  at  all,  or  been  knoAvn  only  in 
part  or  in  different  form.  It  also  reveals  a  clear  and  original 
conception  of  the  nature  of  Shiism  and  of  the  development  of 
its  sects.  Apart  from  the  general  merits  characterizing  the  lit- 
erary activity  of  Ibn  Hazm,  we  may  conscientiously  assert  that 
the  information  contained  in  the  texts  given  below  contributes  a 
considerable  aiid  valuable  material,. towards  the  history  of  this 
important  religious  movement. 

The  disconnected  and  abrupt  character  of  the  texts  makes  a 
synopsis  of  their  contents  almost  impossible.  On  the  other 
hand,  this  very  same  circumstance  renders  a  synopsis  unnecessary. 
I  will  therefore  limit  myself  to  a  few  remarks  on  Ibn  Ila/.in's 
division  of  the  sects  of  the  Shi'a,  which  underlies  his  whole 
account.  The  division  of  the  sects  of  Islam  in  general  is, 
mainly  because  of  the  baneful  hadith,  a  matter  of  extreme 
difficulty  and  discussion.  Shahrastani,  in  the  introduction  to  his 
Milal  VDcfn-Nihcil,  justly  remarks  that  he  has  not  found  two 
writers  who  agreed  on  this  question,  and  an  examination  of  other 
Muhammedan  histories  of  religion  only  confirms  this  observa- 
tion. A  similar  confusion  prevails  in  the  division  of  Shiitic 
sects  in  particular.  A  few  examples  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the 
infirmity  and  arbitrariness  of  all  such  divisions.  'Abd-al-Kahir 
al-Bagdadi  (d.  429/1038),  a  contemporary  of  Ibn  Hazm,1  who 

1  See  later,  p.  26. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  21 

bestows  great  pains  on  a  precise  classification  of  the  72 
heterodox  sects,  counts  twenty  of  these  to  the  Shi 'a.  He  dis- 
tributes these  twenty  over  three  main  sects:  the  Zeidiyya  (4), 
the  Keisaniyya  (1),  and  the  Imamiyya  (15).  The  Gulat  ("Ex- 
tremists") are  not  reckoned  to  Islam  at  all.  Shahrastani  (d. 
548/1153),  on  the  cqntrary,  counts  the  Gulat  (or  Galiya)  to  the 
Muhammedan  sects,  and  enumerates  five  Shiitic  sects:  the 
Keisaniyya,  Zeidiyya,  Imamiyya,  Galiya,  and  Isma'iliyya.  Mak- 
rizi, again,  (d.  845/1442)  who  knows  Ibn  Hazm's  work  and  fre- 
quently plagiarizes  it,  follows  in  the  division  of  sects  a  system  of 
his  own  which  is  highly  artificial.  All  the  sects  of  Islam  deviat- 
ing from  the  Sunna  are  considered  and  called  by  him  Gulat,  "Ex- 
tremists," i.  e.  driving  to  an  extreme  the  moderate  principles 
of  orthodox  Islam.  These  Gulat,  and  with  them  all  heterodox 
sects,  are  divided  into  ten  principal  categories.  The  ninth  is 
occupied  by  the  Shiites  or,  as  Makrizi  prefers  to  call  them,  the 
Rawafid.1  Twenty  sects  are  numbered  under  this  heading, 
among  them  the  Imamiyya,  Keisaniyya  and  Zeidiyya,  but  also 
many  small  and  insignificant  factions.  At  the  end  of  his  classi- 
fication, Makrizi,  stimulated  by  the  tendency  outlined  above, 
pours  out  a  vast  number  of  other  heterodox  sects  which  scarcely 
have  any  reality  beyond  their  names. 

Ibn  Hazm,  who  rejects  the  hadith  in  question,  and  is  in  con- 
sequence not  bound  to  any  number,  makes  no  attempt  at  an 
elaborate  enumeration  of  the  sects  of  Islam.  In  spite  of  it,  or 
in  ore-  probably  because  of  it,  his  division  of  Muhammedan 
sects  in  general  and  of  Shiitic  sects  in  particular  is  the  most 
natural  and  logical.  Islam  is  accordingly  divided  into  five  sects, 
or,  as  the  Sunna,  properly  speaking,  is  no  sect,  into  four  sects: 
the  Mu'tazila,  Murji'a,  Khawarij,  and  Shi'a,  the  two  former 
representing  the  dogmatic  side,  the  two  latter  representing  the 
political  side  of  Islam.  Kremer,  in  his  "  History  of  the  Leading 
Ideas  of  Islam"  (p.  16  sq.),  rightly  makes  this  division  of  Ibn 
II a /,iu  the  point  of  departure  for  his  consideration  of  Muhamme- 
dan dogmas.  As  regards  Shiism,  Ibn  Hazm  shows  the  clearest 
conception  of  the  problem  by  laying  down  the  question  of  the 
Imamate  as  principium  divisions.  The  whole  Shi'a  accordingly 
appears  divided  into  two  large  sections:  on  the  one  hand  the 

1  See  the  index  to  this  treatise,  s.v.  Rawafid. 


22  Z  Friedlaender,  L1907- 

Zeidiyya  and  on  the  other  the  Imaniiyya,  or,  to  use  the  nomen 
odiosum  by  which  Ibn  Hazm  as  well  as  other  writers  often 
designate  the  latter,  the  Rawafid.  Both  sections  agree  in  the  con- 
ception of  the  Imamate  as  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  descend- 
ants of  'Ali.  But  they  differ  in  their  attitude  toward  the  claims 
of  'Ali  himself,  and  consequently  in  their,  judgment  of  'All's 
opponents.  In  the  opinion  of  the  Imamiyya,  'Ali  was  entitled 
to  the  caliphate  by  virtue  of  a  written  will  of  the  Prophet.  The 
" Companions,"  however,  maliciously  made  this  will  disappear. 
The  first  caliphs  were  consequently  usurpers  and,  acting,  as  they 
did,  against  the  express  wish  of  the  Prophet,  must  be  considered 
infidels.-  As  such,  they  cannot  be  considered  the  bearers  of 
Muhammedan  tradition,  and  thus,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Koran,  a  complete  reorganization  of  Islam  becomes  necessary. 
The  Zeidiyya  deny  the  existence  of  a  written  will.  'All's 
claims  to  the  Imamate  merely  lay  in  his  superior  qualities.  His 
rejection  on  the  part  of  the  "Companions"  was  not  prompted 
by  any  premeditated  malice  but  solely  due  to  an  unintentional 
lack  of  appreciation.  The  first  caliphs  consequently  were  legit- 
imate rulers,  and  they  as  well  as  the  other  "Companions"  must 
be  acknowledged  as  the  rightful  bearers  of  Muhammedan  tradi- 
tion. Thus  the  whole  difference  between  the  two  sections  of 
Shiism  reduces  itself  to  their  attitude  toward  the  "Compan- 
ions" as  the  bearers  of  Islam.  •  It  is  evident  that  the  Zeidiyya 
are  closely  related  to  the  Sunna,  especially  so  when  we  remember 
that  the  Sunna  itself  yielded  more  and  more  to  the  Alidic  ten- 
dencies prevalent  among  the  masses  of  the  Faithful,  whereas 
the  very  basis  of  the  Imamiyya  is  a  protest  against  orthodox 
Islam  as  handed  down  by  the  "Companions."  In  a  survev 
which  confines  itself  to  the  "depravities"  of  the  Shiites  there 
is  consequently  little  room  for  the  Zeidiyya.  Only  one  section 
of  them,  the  Jarudiyya,  is  quoted  at  the  beginning  of  the  chap- 
ter on  Shiitism  (part  B.  of  our  text).  But  it  is  left  unexplained 
whether  they  owe  this  distinction  to  their  belief  that  the  rejec- 
tion of  'All  was  an  intentional  act  of  treachery  and  that  the 
Companions  were  consequently  infidels,  or  whether  it  is  due  to 
their  belief  in  the  second  advent  of  certain  Mahdis, — a  belief 
which  they  largely  share  with  the  Imamiyya.  The  tenets  of  the 
latter,  of  course,  occupy  a  much  more  prominent  place  among 
the  "depravities"  of  the  Shiites,  and  the  bulk  of  the  chapter 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  23 

is  devoted  to  them.  The  Gulat — on  this  point  Ibn  Hazm  agrees 
with  al-Bagdadi — are  no  Muslims  at  all.  Only  inasmuch  as 
their  tenets  are  bound  up  with  the  personality  of  'All,  they  are 
counted  among  the  extreme  sects  of  Shiism. 

Between  these  two  well-defined  parties  the  sect  of  the  Keisa- 
niyya,  which  in  early  Islam  played  so  important  a  role,  occupies 
a  somewhat  ambiguous  position.  All  other  historians  who  regard 
as  the  basis  of  Shiism — common  both  to  the  Zeidiyya  and  the 
Imamiyya — the  restriction  of  the  Imamate  to  the  descendants  of 
l-'i'iti inn,  necessarily  place  the  Keisaniyya,  who  believe  in  the 
Imamate  of  Muhammed  ibn-al-Hanafiyya,  'All's  son  by  another 
wife,  in  a  separate  category.  Ibn  Hazm,  however,  who  con- 
siders  the  underlying  principle  of  Shiism  the  recognition  of  the 
Imamate  of  the  descendants  of  '•Alt,  obviously  makes  the  ques- 
tion of  a  written  will  the  point  of  departure,  and,  since  the 
Keisaniyya  on  this  cardinal  point  agree  with  the  Zeidiyya, 
expressly  coimts  them  among  the  sects  of  the  latter.  But  our 
author  is  not  consistent.  For  in  the  course  of  the  chapter  he 
reckons  the  Keisaniyya,  on  account  of  some  peculiar  tenets  held 
by  them,  among  the  Imamiyya.  On  the  whole,  it  must  be  said 
that  Ibn  Hazm's  description  betrays  a  painful  lack  of  disposition. 
The  chapter  on  Shiism  suffers  particularly  from  this  defect. 
The  various  parts  of  the  account  cannot  be, easily  distinguished. 
It  is  quite  difficult  to  state  where  the  report  on  the  Zeidiyya  ends 
and  that  on  the  Imamiyya  begins.  Nor  does  the  description  of 
the  individual  sects  within  this  range  show  any  proper  order. 
The  value  of  Ibn  Hazm's  account  on  Shiism  is  not  to  be  attri- 
buted to  its  stylistic  merits  but  principally  to  the  facts  it  com- 
municates and  the  historical  material  it  contributes  towards  a 
better  knowledge  of  the  sects  of  the  Shi 'a. 


The  present  treatise  is  based  on  a  monograph  by  .the  same 
author  written  some  five  years  ago  in  German.  It  reproduced 
the  texts  now  offered  in  English  translation  in  the  original 
Arabic,  as  the  Milal  wtfn-Nihal  had  not  yet  appeared  in  print 
and  was  only  accessible  in  manuscripts.  The  first  manuscripts 
I  was  able  to  peruse  were  those  of  Leyden  and  Vienna,  which 
by  the  courtesy  of  the  respective  libraries  were  sent  to  me  at 
Strassburg  (Germany),  where  I  lived  at  that  time.  The  text  of 


24  I-  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

the  piece  which  appears  here  as  part  A.  was  based  on  these  two 
manuscripts.  For  the  second  piece,  the  chapter  on  Shiism,  I 
was  limited  to  the  Codex  of  Ley  den,  the  Vienna  manuscript 
being  defective  in  this  place.  The  contents  of  the  chapter, 
which  teems  with  proper  names,  and  the  character  of  the  manu- 
script, which  is  practically  void  of  all  diacritical  points,  made  it 
impossible  to  construct  any  reasonable  text  on  so  inadequate  a 
basis.  It  was  then  that  Professor  Goldziher  with  characteristic 
kindness  offered  me  his  copy  of  this  chapter  made  by  him  in 
1878  from  two  twin-manuscripts  belonging  to  Count  Landberg 
one  of  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  library  of  Yale  Uni- 
versity.1 This  copy  presented  a  different  recension  of  the  J///*'/ 
ica>)i-Xihal,  but  it  was  nevertheless  of  incalculable  value  for 
the  establishing  of  a  critical  text,  and  without  it  any  attempt 
at  publication  would  have  proved  a  failure.  As  for  the  last  two 
pieces,  given  here  as  C.  and  D.,  they  were  reproduced  from 
the  Leyden  manuscript  only,  since  their  contents  on  the  whole 
offered  no  unsurmountable  difficulties.  The  texts  constructed 
in  the  described  manner  and  accompanied  by  introduction  and 
notes  constituted  the  said  monograph,  which  was  presented  to 
and  accepted  by  the  Philosophical  Faculty  of  the  University  of 
Strassburg  as  "  Habilitationschrift "  preliminary  to  the  author's 
admission  as  "Privatdozent."  Subsequently,  during  several 
visits  to  London,  I  was  able  to  consult  the  codex  of  the  British 
Museum  and,  having  settled  in  this  country,  I  also  had  a<-cess  to 
the  manuscript  stored  in  the  library  of  Yale  University.  In 
the  meantime,  Ibn  Hazm's  MilaJ  n-<tn-X!h<il  had  appeared  in 
print  in  Cairo,  being  the  faithful  reproduction  of  a  modern 
manuscript  of  that  city. 

All  these  circumstances  greatly  influenced  the  further  desti- 
nies of  the  monograph  and  considerably  altered  and  widened  its 
scope.  In  the  first  place,  it  became  necessary  to  utilize  the  new 
material  .afforded  by  the  study  of  hitherto  inaccessible  manu- 
scripts. With  the  publication  of  the  Milal  wcCn-Xilial  the 
value  of  the  manuscript  extracts  was  considerably  impaired  and 

1  In  Professor  Goldziher's  copy  the  two  manuscripts  are  designated  as 
A  and  B.  The  Yale  manuscript  is  unquestionably  identical  with  B.  as 
can  be  seen  from  the  few  passages  in  which  A  and  B  slightly  differ  from 
one  another  (cmp..  e.  g.,  p.  48,  n.  7).  I  have  been  unable  to  find  out 
where  A  is  at  present. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  25 

it  therefore  became  advisable  to  give  the  texts  in  translation 
instead.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  impossible  to  disregard  the 
aid  offered  by  the  manuscripts  at  our  disposal,  two  of  which 
(those  of  Leyden  and  the  British  Museum)  are  five  hundred 
years  older  than  the  manuscript  reproduced  in  the  printed 
edition.  The  text  of  the  edition  had  to  be  care'fully  compared 
with  that  of  the  manuscripts,  and  the  variants  had  to  be 
embodied  in  the  critical  apparatus  accompanying  the  translation. 
A  few  remarks  concerning  the  character  of  the  translation 
offered  below  may  prove  useful  to  the  reader.  It  is  an  obvious 
fact  for  the  student  of  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wcfn-Nihal  that  the 
text  of  the  edition  represents  a  recension  which  _  essentially 
differs  from  the  manuscripts  of  Leyden  and  the  British  Museum 
in  the  greater  part  of  the  work,  and  from  the  codices  of  Vienna 
and  the  British  Museum  in  the  earlier  part  of  it.  The  recension 
offered  by  L.  and  Br.  is  apparently  younger,  and  most  probably 
represents  a  revised  edition  of  Ibn  Hazm's  work.  In  spite  of 
this  fact  the  author  of  the  present  treatise  deemed  it  his  duty  to 
base  his  translation  on  the  text  of  the  edition  which  is  generally 
accessible.  It  was  impossible  to  revise  and  amplify  the  printed 
text  by  means  of  the  manuscripts,  as  this  would  have  resulted  in 
an  unbearable  mixture  of  recensions,  which  would  have  done 
justice  to  neither  recension.  It  seemed,  on  the  contrary,  advisa- 
ble to  relegate  the  manuscript  variants,  however  important,  into 
the  critical  apparatus  at  the  bottom  of  the  translation.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  impossible  to  reproduce  the  printed  text  word 
for  word,  as  the  manuscript,  of  which  the  text  is  a  slavish  repro- 
duction, is  apparently  fault}',  and  full  of  eri*ors  and  lacunae. 
The  text  of  the  edition  had  consequently  to  be  corrected  first, 
and  then  in  this  amended  form  be  made  the  basis  of  the  English 
translation.  The  deviations  of  the  latter  from  the  printed  Arabic 
text  are  made  noticeable  to  the  eye:  the  corrected  readings  by 
larger  type  and  the  words  missing  in  the  edition  by  square 
brackets.  As  regards  the  various  readings,  only  those  were 
recorded  which  appeared  to  be  of  some  value  in  one  way  or  the 
other.  Mere  stylistic  variations  were  disregarded.  Wherever 
the  variants  contained  some  historical  information,  or  differed 
materially  from  the  translated  text,  they  were  made  conspicuous 
in  type,  so  as  to  enable  those  readers  who  are  merely  interested 
in  the  historical  aspect  of  the  texts,  to  recognize  at  a  glance 


26  Z  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

the  readings  which  ai-e  of  special  interest  to  them.  For  the 
convenience  of  the  reader  the  text  was  also  divided  into  para- 
graphs. The  manuscripts  offer  no  breaks  whatever,  and  the 
division  in  the  edition  is  apparently  arbitrary,  and  in  most  cases 
nonsensical.  The  headings  of  the  various  sections  of  the  text 
were  added  for'the  same  reason. 

The  introduction,  offered  herewith,  had  to  be  re-written,  so 
as  to  include  the  increased  material,  now  at  the  disposal  of  the 
author,  and  the  results  of  his  continued  study  of  Ibn  Hazm's 
work. 

The  commentary  endeavors  above  all  to  be  what  the  word 
designates:  an  explanation  of  the  text,  which  is  mostly  abrupt 
and  frequently  obscure.  The  scarcity  of  literature  on  our  sub- 
ject, however,  made  it  imperative  to  widen  the  scope  of  the 
commentary,  and  to  include  a  careful  and  systematic  discussion 
of  the  topics  treated  or  suggested  by  Ibn  Hazm.  In  doing  so, 
the  author  tried  to  turn  to  account  the  modern  literature  on 
the  subject  in  various  European  languages,  so  far  as  it  repre- 
sents original  research,  and  to  compile  all  the  material  available 
in  Arabic  literature.  In  the  latter  respect,  the  author  was 
fortunate  enough  to  have  at  his  disposal  a  valuable  and  not 
inconsiderable  material  derived  from  manuscripts.  The  various 
manuscripts,  quoted  in  various  pai'ts  of  this  treatise,  will  be 
designated  in  due  course.  Here  I  will  confine  myself  to  a  gen- 
eral reference  to  two  manuscripts  quoted  throughout  this  treatise, 
Avhich  proved  exceptionally  valuable  for  our  investigations. 
Both  manuscripts  are  stored  in  the  Imperial  library  in  Berlin, 
and  are  closely  related  to  each  other.  The  one  is  the  Kitdb 
al-farJc  beina  'l-firak,  ' '  Book  on  the  Differences  between  the 
Sects,"  by  Abu  Mansur  'Abd  al-Kahir  b.  Tahir  al-Bagdfuli 
(died  429/1038,  see  Ahwardt's  Catalogue,  No.  2800),  and  a  work 
of  the  same  title  by  Shuhf ur  b.  Tahir  b.  Muhammed  al-Isfraini 
(died  471/1078,  ibidem  No.  2801).  The  former  is  known 
from  a  few  quotations  by  Schreiner  in  ZDMG.  (vol.  52)  and 
in  his  book  "Der  Kalam  in  der  jildischen  Litteratur";  the 
latter  is  often  i-eferred  to  in  Haarbrilcker's  translation  of  Shah- 
rastani,  and  in  the  notes  to  the  edition  of  the  Fihrist.  Each  of 
these  writers  is  quoted  by  Haji  Chalfa  (vi,  115)  as  the  author  of 
a  Kitdb  ul-Milal  wcCn-Nihal,  of  which  frequent  mention  is  also 
made  in  the  Kitdb  al-fark  of  Bagdad! .  It  appears,  in  fact,  that 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  27 

the  manuscripts  in  question  are  extracts  from  a  larger  work 
which  may  have  represented  this  Milal  wa?n-Nihal.  The  two 
manuscripts  show  a  remarkable  affinity,  which  deserves  further 
investigation.  Materially  they  coincide  nearly  everywhere,  and 
frequently  they  also  agree  verbatim.  As  far  as  I  am  able  to 
judge,  I  am  inclined  to  consider  Isfra'ini's  book  an  abstract  from 
that  of  Bagdad! .  The  latter  displays  its  genuine  character  by 
greater  completeness,  by  personal  recollections,  by  polemical, 
often  quite  tolerable,  rhymes  against  the  heretics,  and  the  like 
features.  Both  manuscripts  offer  the  great  advantage  of  being 
carefully  pointed,  which,  of  course,  is  of  special  value  in  deter- 
mining the  pronunciation  of  the  proper  names.  But  they  also 
contain  extremely  interesting  material,  and  often  supply  us 
with  important  historical  information  undoubtedly  drawn  from 
old  sources.  Thus  their  account  on  the  Sabaiyya  offers  the 
fullest  and  most  valuable  description  of  this  fundamental  sect  of 
Shiism. 

The  disconnected  character  of  the  translated  texts,  which  are 
derived  from  various  sections  of  •  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wa?n-Nihal 
written  at  various  periods,  make  it  impossible  to  pursue  any 
definite  arrangement  or  disposition.  This  inconvenience,  how- 
ever, is  removed  by  means  of  a  detailed  index,  which  enables 
the  reader  to  lay  hand  on  all  the  material  bearing  on  the  sub- 
ject in  which  he  is  interested.  The  list  of  the  Alids  mentioned 
in  this  treatise  which  is  appended  at  the  end  will,"  we  expect,  be 
of  service  to  the  reader. 

*  * 
* 

Before  concluding,  I  feel- obliged  to  tender  the  expression  of 
my  thanks  to  all  those  men  and  institutions  that  have  been  help- 
ful to  me  in  the  work  embodied  in  this  treatise. 

The  first  and  largest  share  of  my  gratitude  I  owe,  as  always, 
to  my  dear  master,  Professor  Theodor  Noldeke,  who  has,  Avith 
untiring  kindness,  bestowed  upon  me  the  benefit  of  his  instruc- 
tion and  his  friendship.  Without  his  continuous  stimulus, 
furtherance  and  advice,  this  work  would  have  never  been  under- 
taken or  finished. 

My  heartfelt  thanks  are  furthermore  due  to  Professor  Gold- 
ziher,  not  only  for  his  repeated  public  references  to  the  import- 
ance of  Ibn  Hazm's  work  and  his  contributions  towards  the 


28  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

appreciation  thereof,  but  also  for  his  great  kindness  in  lending 
me  his  copy  of  the  chapter  on  Shiism,  and  in  giving  me,  when- 
ever required,  his  invaluable  scholarly  advice. 

I  feel  greatly  obliged  to  the  University  library  of  Strassburg 
(Germany),  where  I  gathered  most  of  the  material  for  this 
work,  to  the  officers  of  the  Oriental  department  of  the  British 
Museum,  who  were  unceasing  in  their  efforts  to  facilitate  my 
task,  to  the  libraries  of  Ley  den,  Berlin,  Vienna,  Gotha  and 
Yale  University,  for  allowing  me  the  use  of  their  manuscripts. 

TRANSLATION. 
A.  The  Heterodox  Sects  in  general. 

[Printed  Edition  (=Ed.)  II,  pp.  111-117  ;  Codex  Leyden  (=L.)  I,  fol. 
135"  ff.;  Codex  British  Museum  (=Br.)  1,  fol.  135"  ff.;  Codex  Vienna 
(=V.)  fol.  201  ff.;  Codex  Yale  (=Y.)  I,  fol.  137"  ff.] 

In  the  Name  of  Allah,  the  Compassionate,  the  Merciful!1 
Says  the  Faklh2  Abu  Muhammed,  *'A11  b.  Ahmad  Ibn  Hazm, 
may  Allah  be  pleased  with  him3  : 

Having  with  the  help  of  Allah  finished  with  the  (non-Islamic) 
religions,  let  us  with  the  assistance  of  Allah  begin  to  describe 
the  sects  of  the  Muslims  and  the  difference  of  opinion  among 
the  latter  regarding  these  sects,  to  expound4  the  evils  which 
some  of  them  (of  the  adherents  of  these  sects)  concocted  against  it 
(i.  e.  against  Islam)6  by  means  of  the  special  errors  of  their  sect, 
and  to  set  forth  the  arguments  which  are  indispensable  in  order 
to  indicate  clearly  the  true  sect  among  these  (heterodox)  sects, 
—  in  the  same  way  as  we  proceeded  in  dealing  with  the  religions. 
*Much  praise  unto  Allah,  the  Lord  of  all  Created  Beings:  there 
is  no  assistance  nor  strength  except  in  Allah,  the  Exalted,  the 
Almighty!8 

Says  Abu  Muhammed:  Those  that  adhere  to  the  community 
of  Islam  are  divided  into  five7  sects:  1)  the  Sunnites,  2)  the 


1  Br. 

2  Br.  V.  om.—  L.  *Lx)!^!   ^AJuJI  "the  poor,  the  Imam." 

&        \j 

3  Br.  V.  om.  4  Br.  V.  +  *x»      "  all. 


5  Ed.  L.  jo  "  against  it,"  L.  V.  Y.  LAJ  "  against  them."  See  Commen- 
tary. «  Br.  V.  om. 

1  Ed.  and  Codd.  x  ...  t  A^  (instead  of  ip-t^}  against  the  grammatical 
rule. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  29 

Mu'tazilites,  3)  the  Murji'ites,  4)  the  Shi'ites,  and  5)  the  Khari- 
jites.  '  Each  of  these  sects  again  is  divided  into  a  number  of 
(smaller)  sects. 

The  greatest  difference  of  opinion  among  the  Sunnites  prevails 
in  questions  of  religious  practice  and  a  few  particulars  of  relig- 
ious doctrine  which  will  be  explained  hereafter.  As  to  the 
other  four"  sects,  enumerated  above,  there  are  some  among  them 
who  differ  widely  from  the  Sunnites  and  others  who  differ  from 
•them  but  slightly. 

Among  the  sections  of  the  Murji'ites  the  nearest  to  the  Sun- 
nites are  those  who  follow  the  doctrine  of  the  Fakih  Abti  Hanifa 
that  Faith  consists  in  acknowledging  the  truth  both  with  the 
tongue  and  the  heart  and  that  the  religious  ceremonies  are 
nothing  but  l;iws  and  precepts  imposed  by  Faith.  The  farthest 
among  them  are  the  adherents  of  Jahm  b.  Safwan,  'al-Ash'ari 
and  4Muhammed  b.  Karram  of  Sijistan.*  For  *Jahm  and  al- 
Ash'ari  maintain6  that  Faith  only  consists  in  believing  with  the 
heart,  though  one  profess  with  his  tongue  Unbelief  and  the 
doctrine  of  Trinity  [112]  and  worships  the  Crucified  (Christ) 
*in  the  dominions  of  Islam  without  fear  (i.  e.  compulsion).7 
*Muhammed  b.  Karram,  on  the  other  hand,  maintains8  that  Faith 
is  only  expression  with  the  tongue,  though  one  adhere9  to  Unbe- 
lief in  his  heart. 

Among  the  sects  of  the  Mu'tazilites  the  nearest  to  the  Sun- 
nites are  the  followers  of  *al-Husein  b.  Muhammed  an-Najjar, 
Bishr  b.  Giyath  of  Maris  (in  Egypt),  as  well  as  the  followers  of10 

1  Br.  :  4)  Kharijites  ;  5)  Shi'ites. 

-  Ed.  L.  Y.  incorrectly  JUjxYl  ;  Br.  V.  »j.yi  . 

3  Br.  V.  +v—  >Ls?!«  "and  the  adherents  of." 

4  Br.  V.  +  "  and  the  adherents  of." 

5  In  Eastern  Iran.     Br.  V.  om. 

6  L.  Y.  .tJfcij  o^faJCifljL}   "some  of  these  maintain."    This  is  a 


later  correction.     See  Comm.  —  Instead  of  ,.j«J«,Jij  in  Ed.  read  . 
as  in  Br.  V.  7  L.  Y.  om. 

8  L.  Y.      .Jjij  (ace.  after      Ls     .jVU  "and  others  maintain.' 


9  Br.  V.  JoLX^L  (V.  corrected  on  the  margin  JJ&ct  1 

10  Br.  om.  through  homoioteleuton. 


30  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

Dirar  b.  'Amr.  The  farthest  among  them  are  the  followers  of 
Abu'l-Hudeil.1 

Among  the  schools  of  the  Shi*"ites  the  nearest  to  the  Sunnites 

O  , 

are  those  who  count  themselves  among  the  followers  of  the  Fakih 
al-Hasan  b.  Salih  b.  Hayy2  of  the  Banu  Hamdan3  who  main- 
tain that  the  Imamate  is  confined  to  the  descendants  of  'Ali.4 
It  is,  however,  an  established  fact  that  al-Hasan  b.  Sulih  —  may 
Allah  have  mercy  on  him  !  —  was  of  the  same  opinion  as  we  are, 
viz.,  that  the  Imamate  extends  to  the  whole  of  the  Kureish,  and 
that  he  maintained  a  friendly  attitude  towards  all5  the  Compan- 
ions (of  the  Prophet),  the  only  exception  being  that  he  gave 
'Ali  the  preference  over  all  of  them.6  The  farthest  among  them 
are  the  Imamites. 

Among  the  sects  of  the  Khdrijites  the  nearest  to  the  Sunnites 
are  the  followers  of  'Abdallah  b.  Yazid  al-Ibadi,7  of  Kut'a. 
The  farthest  among  them  are  the  'Azrakites. 

As  to  the  followei-s  of  Ahmad  b.  Ha'it,8  Ahmad  b.  Yanush," 
al-Fadl  of  Harran,10  the  extremists  *among  the  Rawatid,  the 
Sufi's,11  the  Bittikhiyya,"  the  followers  of  Abu  Isma'il  al-Bit- 

1  Ed.  misprint  Joy^J!  (with  y  ).  —  L.  Br.  V.  +  "  al-'  Allaf  ."    See  Comm 
V.  the  whole  passage  mu 
.«Jt  J^et  ^t  xx^A-li 


—V.  the  whole  passage  mutilated  aLLwJ!  J^o!  ,J!  J 


v«o  v 
2  L.    cJLa>.  ,  Br.  V.    -x^  .     See  Comm. 

4  Ed.  incorrectly  ^ily^JI  (with  O  ;  Y.     ^><cW^^  "  of  Hamadan  "  (in 
Persia).' 
4  Codd.  -i-  U>o^  "alone."  5  Br.  om.     See  next  note. 


6  V.  marginal  gloss  by  another  hand    ^c   xJLdjL)    ,j^  ao! 
boi  ^jL^jLc    "  It  is  assumed  that  he  gave  him  the  preference  over 
'Othrnan  only."  '  Y.  ^oLVf  . 

8  Ed.  Y.  Jojla.  ,  V.  Jajl^.  (sic),  L.  JajU*  ,  Br.  iajLi.  .     See  Comm. 


9  Ed.  (jw-JLo  ,  L.  (jwa-iU  ,  Y.  (j*-«.jL>  ,  V.  j*-J.Lj  ,  Br.  (j*«jl3  .     See 
Comm. 

10  ^  &>^  -L-  Br-  Y-  >  v- 

11  L.  Y.  Om. 

15  Ed.  ixsxLJt  and       sVJaxJ!  with  soft 


-,  . 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  31 

tikhi.  those  of  the  'Ajarida  who  deny  the  "Ijrna'"  and  others, 
—  they  do  not  belong  to  the  Muslims,  but  are  unbelievers  in  the 
common  opinion  of  the  whole  Muhammedan  nation.  Let  us 
seek  refuge  in  Allah,  when  we  are  forsaken  ! 

•sition  of  the  fundamental  tenets  of  each  of  these  sects^ 
being  the  characteristics  by  which  they  are  distinguished. 

Says  Abu  Muhammed  :  As  to  the  Murjfites,  the  pillar  which 
they  hold  fast  is  the  question  as  to  the  nature  of  Faith  and  Apos- 
t:i-y  and  the  proper  application  of  these  terms,  and  Punish- 
ment.1 Outside  of  this  they  differ  in  their  opinions  as  much  as 
the  others. 

A-  :>•  the  IhctazillteSi  the  pillar  which  they  hold  fast  is  the 
question  of  Unity  and  the  Divine  Attributes.  *Some  of  them  also 
add2  the  problem  of  Free  Will,  the  application  of  the  terms 
Wickedness  and  Faith,  and  Punishment.  In  the  question  of 
Divine  Attributes  the  Mu'tazilites  are  joined  by  Jahm  b.  Safwan, 
Mukatil  b.  Suleiman,  the  Ash'arites  and  other  Murji'ites,  as 
well  as  by  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam,  Sheitan  at-Tak  —  whose  proper 
name  was  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far,  of  Kufa,1  —  and  Dawud  al- 
Hawari,  who  are  all  Shi'ites.4  [113]  Yet  we  mentioned  this  root 
as  a  specific  characteristic  of  the  Mu'tazilites,  because  those  who 
speculate  about  it  do  not  (eo  ipso)  renounce  the  doctrine  of  the 
Sunnites  or*  that  of  the  Mu'tazilites,  while  the  Murji'ites  and 
Shi'ites.  mentioned  above,  are  discriminated  by  special  teachings 
which  actually  stand  outside  the  doctrine  of  the  Sunnites  and 
Mu'tazilites. 

Ac  T.»  the  Shi'ites,  the  pillar  of  their  speculation  is  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Imamate  and  the  Degrees.of  excellence  of  the  Com- 
panions of  the  Prophet.  Outside  of  this  they  differ  as  much  as 
the  others. 

As  to  the  KhdrijiteS)  the  pillar  of  their  school  is  the  question 
as  to  the  nature  of  Faith  and  Apostasy  and  the  proper  applica- 


1  Br.  Ju^L  (sic).     The  original  reading  possibly  was  <X*-C,JI« 

Reward  and  Punishment." 

'Br.  V.  -and." 

*  L.  Y.  om.  .jyCff  . 

4  Ed.  L.  Y.  auuui  ;  Br.  V.  J 

4  L.  Y.  •«  andX 


32  /.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

tion  of  these  terms,  the  question  of  Punishment,1  and  the 
Imamate.  Outside  of  this  they  differ  as  much  as  the  others. 

We  have  set  up  these  topics  as  characteristic  of  the  parties 
in  question,  because  he  who,  e.  g.,  maintains  that  the  religious 
practices  of  the  body  constitute  Faith,  since2  the  latter  increases 
through  obedience3  (by  observing  these  practices)  and  decreases 
through  disobedience4  (by  neglecting  them),  and  that  a  believer 
becomes  an  unbeliever  through  the  least  transgression  (regard- 
ing these  practices),  or  that  even  he  who  is  a  believer  both  in 
his  heart  and5  with  his  tongue  may  (nevertheless)  suffer  eternal 
punishment  in  hell,  is  no  MurjVite.  He,  however,  who  agrees 
with  them  on  these  points,  but  differs  from  them  in  all  other 
matters  regarding  which  the  Muslims  are  divided  in  their  opin- 
ions, is  a  Murji'ite. 

He  who  differs  from  the  Jtfu'tazilites  regarding  the  Creation 
of  the  Koran,  the  Beholding  (of  God  qn  the  day  of  Resurrec- 
tion), the  Anthropomorphisms,6  or  regarding  their  opinion  that 
the  man  who  commits  a  capital  sin  is  neither  a  believer  nor  an 
unbeliever,  but  (merely)  a  sinner,  does  not  belong  to  them. 
He,  however,  who  agrees  with  them  regarding  the  above-men- 
tioned points,  is  one  of  them,  though  he  differ  from  them  in  all 
other  matters  regarding  which  the  Muslims  are  divided  in  their 
opinions. 

He  who  agrees  with  the  Shinties  that  'All  is  the  most  excel- 
lent of  men  after  the  Prophet  and  that  he  and  his  descendants 
after  him  are  worthier  of  the  Imamate  than  anyone,  is  a  Shi'ite, 
though  he  differ  from  them  in  all  other  matters  regarding  which 
the  Muslims  are  divided  in  their  opinions.  He,  however,  who 
differs  from  them  regarding  the  above-mentioned  points,  is  no 
Shi'ite. 

1  Ed.  erroneously    <Xfc«Jt    "Reward."     Codd.    and    previously    Edl 


*  Ed.  L.  Br.  Y.  J,Ls  ;  V.          "  and  that." 

3  L.  Y.  om.  LcUaJb  . 

4  L.  Y.  om.  JLa*JL  .  6  L.  Y.  "or. 


6  Ed.   correctly  auuw&xJI.  lit.:  "and  the  comparing"  (of  God  with 
created  beings).—  L.  au^xJt    ,  V.  jou^uJ!    ,  Br.  Y. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  33 

He  who  agrees  with  the  Kharijites  in  denying  (the  right  of) 
appealing  to  judges  and  in  regarding  those  that  commit  capital 
sins  as  apostates,  also  shares  with  them  the  belief  that  rebellion 
against  tyrannical  rulers  is  a  religious  duty,  and  that  those 
who  commit  capital  sins  suffer  eternal  punishment  in  hell,  and 
finally  that  the  Imamate  is  also  permissible  outside  of  the 
Kureish,  is  a  Kharijite,  though  he  differ  from  them  in  all  other 
matters  regarding  which  the  Muslims  are  divided  in  their  opinions. 
[If  however]1  he  differs  from  them  regarding  the  above-men- 
tioned points,  then  he  is  no  Khai'ijite. 

Says  Abu  Muhammed:  As  to  the  adherents  of  the  Sunna, 
they  (alone)  are  the  adherents  of  truth,  while  all  others  are 
adherents  of  heresy.  For  Sunnites  were  the  Companions  of 
the  Prophet  and  the  best  of  the  ''Followers"  who  walked  in 
their  footsteps,  then  the  masters  of  the  Hadith  (Oral  Tradition), 
*the  Fakihs  who  succeeded  them,  generation  after  generation, 
until  this  very  day  and  the  bulk  of  the  people  who  emulated 
their  example  in  the  East  and  the  West  of  the  Earth  —  the  mercy 
of  Allah  upon  them!2 

[114]  Says  Abu  Muhammed:  There  wei*e,  however,  people 
who  usurped  the  name  of  Islam,  though  all  the  sects  of3  Islam 
agree  that  they  are  no  Muslims.  Thus  there  were  sections 
among  the  KhCirijites  who  went  to  the  extreme,  maintaining  that 
the  salat  (obligatory  prayer)  was  no  more  than  one  "  bow  "  in  the 
morning  and  one  in  the  evening.  Others  permitted  the  marriage 
with  granddaughters  and  the  daughters  of  nephews.  They  also 
maintained  that  the  Joseph  Sura  did  not  belong  to  the  Koran. 
There  were  others  among  them4  who  maintained  that  the  adulterer 
and  thief  ought  to  be  punished,  but  then  be  called  to  repent 
their  apostasy.  If  they  do  so,  (then  well  and  good)  ;  if  not, 
(only  then)  they  ought  to  be  killed. 

There  were  also  sections  among  the  M-u'tazilites  who  after- 
wards went  to  the  extreme  and  held  the  belief  in  the  Transmi- 


i 

1  Ed.  om.  ^{j  through  oversight. 

2  L.  only  A  ga-i-'s'i    y.*,.  "and  those  that  succeeded  them." 

3  Br.  V.  om.  ^_5*i  • 

4  Here  begins  a  lacuna  of  one  leaf  in  Br.  (between  fol.  136"  and  137"). 

VOL.    XXVIII.  3 


34  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

gration  of  Souls.  Others  among  them  maintained  that  the  fat 
and  the  bi'ain  of  swine  was  permitted. 

Among  the  Murji'ites  there  were  sections  who  maintained 
that  Iblis  never  asked  permission  from  Allah  to  look  (at  Adam) 
and  that  he  never  admitted1  that  Allah  created  him  out  of  fire 
and  Adam  out  of  dust.2  Others  maintained  that  prophecy  could 
be  attained  by  right  conduct. 

There  were  others  among  the  Sunnites  who  went  to  the 
extreme,3  maintaining  that  there  were  some  pious  who  were  supe- 
rior to  prophets  and  angels,  and  that  he  who  attained  the  true 
knowledge  of  God  was  exempt  from  religious  laws  and  ceremonies. 
Some  of  them  held  the  belief  that  the  Creator  resides  in  the 
bodies  of  his  creatures,  like  al-Hallaj  and  others. 

There  were  sections  among  the  Shi'ites  who  afterwards  went 
to  the  extreme,  some  of  them  holding  the  belief  in  the  divinity 
of  'All  b.  Abi  Talib  and  the  Imams  after  him.  Some  of  them 
believed  in  his  [as  well  as  in  their]4  prophecy,  also  in-  the  Trans- 
migration of  Souls,  like  the  poet  as-Sayyid  al-Himyar!  and 
others.  One  section  of  them  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Muham- 
med  b.  Abi  Zeinab,  a  client  of  the  Banu  Asad.  Another  sec- 
tion believed  in  the  prophecy  of  Mugira  b.  6Sa'id,  a  client  of 
the  Banu  Bajila,6  in  the  prophecy  of  Abu  Mansur  al-'Ijli  (of 
the  Banu  Ijl),  of  the  weaver  Bazig,7  of  Bayan8  b.  Sam'an, 
belonging  to  the  Banu  Tamim  and  the  like.  Others  among 
them  held  the  belief  in  'All's  re-appearance  on  earth.  They 


1  V.  +  p.St  i>»fkXH  _».xi  *xLcl  <X<u>  "  when  he  refused  to  prostrate 
himself  before  Adam."    See  Comm. 


2  V  +  (gap  of  one  word)  ----  xJU!  ^b  ^  auJLfr 

"  nor  that  Allah  honored  Adam  more  than  him,  nor  that  Allah  .  .  .  .  " 

3  Ed.  erroneously  LJLjtii  instead  of  IJLxJ  . 

4  Ed.  erroneously  om.  V^'AAj'.  ;  V.    sjj. 


5  Ed.  and  Codd.  +  Abi.     See  Comm. 

6  Ed.  xJLsi  misprint  for  k 


1  L.  -*J>-5 ,  Ed.  .fcJyJ ,  V.  dLsyj  (on  the  margin  corrected  by  another 
hand 


L.  ,oUj«  .     See  Comm. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  35 

refused  to  believe  in  the  open  meaning  of  the  Koran,  asserting 
that  the  open  meaning  should  be  interpreted  allegorically.  Thus 
they  maintained  that  "the  Sky"  was  Muhammed  and  "the  Earth"1 
his  Companions.  (In  the  verse)  "  Behold,  Allah  commandeth  you 
to  slaughter  a  cow"2  —  "a  cow"  means  N.N.,  i.  e.,  the  Mother 
of  the  Faithful.  They  equally  maintained  that  "Justice  "and 
"Charity"3  referred  to  'All  and  that  "Jibt"  and  "Tagut"4were 
N.N.  and  X.X.,  alluding  to  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar.  They  simi- 
larly maintained  that  "salat"  (obligatory  prayer)  meant  suppli- 
cation to  the  Imam,  "  zakat  "  (alms)  donations  to  the  Imair 
and  "hajj"  (pilgrimage)  going  to  the  Imam.  There  were 
among  them  stranglers  and  skull-breakers. 

None  of  these  sects  cares  in  the  least  for  logical  demonstra- 
tion. The  only  proof  they  possess  is  the  claim  of  inspiration, 
impudence  and  the  capacity  to  lie  openly.  [115]  They  pay  no 
attention5  to  any  argumentation.  But  it  suffices  to  refute  them 
by  saying:  "  What  is  the  difference  between  you  and  those  who 
claim  that  they  were  informed  by  way  of  inspiration  of  the 
absurdity  of  your  belief  ?"  There  is  no  way  to  extricate  one- 
self from  this  (reply).  Besides,  all  the  sections  of  Islam  hold 
themselves  aloof  from  them,  regarding  them  as  apostates  and 
unanimously  agreeing  that  their  belief  is  not  that  of  Islam. 
Let  us  seek  refuge  in  Allah,  when  we  are  forsaken  ! 

Says  Abu  Muhammed:  The  reason  why  most  of  these  sects 
deserted6  the  religion7  of  Islam  is,  at  bottom,  this.  The  Per- 
sians originally  were  the  masters  of  a  large  kingdom  and  had 
the  upper  hand  over  all  the  nations.  They  were  in  consequence 
possessed  with  such  mighty  self-esteem8  that  they  called  them- 
selves "nobles"  and  "  sons,"  while  the  rest  of  mankind  were 

1  Koran  XXX,  24.  2  Koran  II,  68.  3  Koran  XVI,  72. 

4  Koran  IV,  54  (the  names  of  two  idols).  —  For  "  Jibt"  Ed.  L.  errone- 
ously o^Ar^l  "  abomination." 

5  Ed.  ^.JCftjUL}  :  L.  Y.  ,j,_sJiiAj  ("to  be  amended'';  Lane,  s.  v.)    V. 


Read   Ji5|  _.»_&.  as  in  L.  —  V.  Y.  om.    J&|  "  most  of." 


1  V.  jjjjlj  "  the  circle.'' 
/ 

8  Ed.    _Ala=i.j  .  read 


3(j  /.  Friecllaender,  [1907. 

regarded  by  them  as  slaves.  But  when  they  were  visited  (by 
God)  and  their  empire  was  taken  away  from  them  by  the  Arabs, 
—  the  same  Arabs  who  in  the  estimation  of  the  Persians  pos- 
sessed the  least  dignity  of  all  nations,  —  the  matter  weighed  much 
more  heavily  upon  them  and  the  calamity  assumed  double  pro- 
portions in  their  eyes,  and  thus  they  made  up  their  mind  to 
beguile  Islam  by  attacking  it  at  different  periods.  But  in  all 
this  Allah  makes  Truth  come  to  light.  Among  their  rebels 
were  Sunbeld,1  UsteLdsis,"  al-Mukanna',  Babak  and  others. 
Previous3  to  these  appeared  with  the  same  intention  'Ammar, 
with  the  nickname  Khidash,4  and  Abu  Muslim*  as-Siraj.s 
When  they  saw  that  to  entrap  Islam  by  trickery  was  more  profit- 
able, some  of  them  outwardly  professed  Islam  and  won  the 
sympathies  of  the  people  with  Shi'itic  inclinations,  by  feigning 
affection  for  the  members  of  the  prophetic  family  and  by  con- 
demning the  injustice  done  to  'All.  Thus  they  led  them  about 
on  various  paths,  till  at  last  they  carried  them  away  from  Islam. 
Some  people  among  them  lured  them  into  the  belief  that  ;i 
man  by  the  name  of  "  al-Mahdi"  (the  rightly  Guided)  was  to  be 
expected,  who  was  the  only  one  in  possession  of  true7  religion, 
since  religion  could  not  be  accepted  from  those  "  Apostates,"  —  the 
companions  of  the  Prophet  being  accused  by  them  of  apostasy. 
Some  went  as  far  as  to  believe  in"  the  prophecy  of  those  for 
whom  they  claimed  prophecy,  and  some  of  them,  as  already 
mentioned,  led  them  astray  on  the  path  leading  to  the  belief  in 


1  Ed.  »ol&u«  ,  V.  oUu^w  ,  L.  Y.  (3&u*  '   Makrizi,  Khitat  »,  362  (quo- 
tation from  Ibn  Hazm)  jLftJui  ,  Mas'udi,  Murtij  ad-Dahab  (vi,   188) 


.  —  The  correct  reading  Tabari,  Annales  III,  119. 

2  Ed.  Y.  u^x.fcuUuJ  ,  V.  ^u*,UuJ  ,   L.    ^j^^LcuJ  ,    Makrizi,   ib. 
U.XAXW!  .  —  The  correct  reading  Tab.  Ill,  354. 

3  Ed.  misprint  Juu>  for  J.AJJ  . 

4  Ed.  and  Makrizi     ^\  &~>  ,  Y.     ilcXs*  ,  V.       \i\si  ,  L.  unpointed. 

5  Ed.  misprint 


0  V.        j^»!  ,  Makr.  _.^ww!  .     See  Comm. 

•  V.  om..xjUJi^.  . 

8  L.  V.  Y.  +      .x)  LJ«J  J>  Lo  "what  we  mentioned  of. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  37 

incarnation  and  exemption  from  religious  ceremonies.  Some 
again  made  fun  (of  them)1  by  imposing  upon  them  fifty  obliga- 
tory prayers2  every  day  and  night,  while  others  reduced  them  to 
seventeen3  obligatory  prayers,  with  fifteen4  "bows"  in  each, — 
the  latter  being  the  opinion  of  'Abdallah  b.  'Amr  b.  al-Harith,5 
before  he  became  a  Kharijite  of  Sufritic  persuasion.  On  the 
same  road  also  went  the  Jew  'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  the  Himyarite. 
For  he,  too, — Allah  curse  him ! — outwardly  professed  Islam  in 
order  to  beguile6  its  adherents.  He  also  was  the  main  factor  in 
instigating  the  people  against  'Othman.  'All  b.  Abi  Talib 
burned  certain  groups7  of  them  who  publicly  proclaimed  his 
divinity.  From  [116]  these  baneful  roots  sprang  up  the  Ismail- 
ites  and  Karmatians,  two  sections  who  publicly  renounce  Islam 
altogether  and  profess  not  only  the  purest  Magism  but  also  the 
doctrine'  of  Mazdak9  the  Mobad10  who  lived  at  the  time  of 
Amlshirwun  b.  Kabad,"  the  king  of  the  Persians,  and  who 
advocated  the  necessity  of  communism  regarding  women  and 
property.  Says  Abu  Muhammed:  When  they  had  brought12 
the  people13  as  far  as  these  two  narrow  passes,  they  turned  them14 
away  from  Islam,  as  they  pleased, — which  in  fact  was  their  only 
intention. 


•  Here  Br.  begins  again  (fol.  137"). 

3  Ed.  Br.  Y.  17  ;  L.  V.  19.     See  Comm. 

4  Ed.  L.  incorrectly  ^&£.  jLv+i*.  ;  Br.  V.  s"  xkc 

5  Y.  al-Harb.     See  Comm. 

6  Ed.  JyJU  ;  Codd.  more  smoothly 
"  Br.  V.  sing. 

s  V.  more  explicitly  (^tftX+j  .     L.  Y. 
»Ed.  Y.  Jox. 

"  Ed.  Y. 


11  Ed.  jjU>'  .  Y-  *>'  -  V.  <>o  ,  L.  unp. 

12  Ed.  iJLj  .     Codd.  correctly  IjjJL}  . 

13  Y.  |jw.jL»JI  "  the  unfortunate  one,"  see  next  note  ;  V.  on  the  margin 

and  the  women." 


14  Ed.  L.  Y.  s«_=>  v:=»-'  "  him,"  supporting  the  reading  of  Y.  ;  see  preced- 


ing note. 


38  L  Friedlaender, 

By  Allah,  "by  Allah,  ye  servants  of  Allah  !  Fear  ye  Allah  in 
your  souls  and  be  not  by  any  means  seduced  by  adherents  of 
unbelief  and  heterodoxy  or  by  those  who  embellish  their  words 
not  with  logical  proof,  but  with  mere  forgeries,1  who  advise 
(you)  contrary  to  the  messages  of  the  Book  of  your  Lord  and  of 
the  woi-ds  of  your  Prophet:  for  there  is  no  good  in  anything 
besides  these  two.  Know  ye  that  the  religion  of  Allah  is  open, 
with  no  hidden'  meaning  in  it,  public,  with  no  secret  behind  it, 
all  of  it  logical  demonstration,  with  no  laxity  about  it.  Suspect 
ve  everyone  who  calls  on  you  to  follow  him  without  proof  and 
everyone  who  claims  for  religion  secrecy  and  a  hidden  meaning, 
for  (all  such  claims)  are  nothing  but  presumptions  and  lit-s. 
Know  ye  that  the  Apostle  of  Allah  did  not  conceal  even  a» 
much  as  a  single  word  of  the  Law,  nor  did  he  allow  even  those 
who  were  nearest  to  him,  viz.,  his  wife,  daughter,  uncle  or  cousin 
on  his  father's  side,  or  any  of  his  companions,  as  much  as  a 
glimpse  into  anything  appertaining  to  the  Law,  which  he  should 
have  kept  back  from  the  Red  and  Black  and  the  humblest 
shepherds.  The  Prophet  did  not  keep  to  himself  any  secret  or 
allusion  or  any  hidden  explanation,  besides  the  message  which 
he  brought  to  the  whole  of  mankind.  Had  he  withheld  from 
them  anything,  then  he  would  not  have  delivered  (his  message)3 
as  he  was  commanded.  He  who  holds  such  an  opinion4  is  an 
apostate.  Be  ye  on  your  guard  against  any  opinion  whose  way 
is  not  clear  and  whose  proof  is  not  distinct.  Do  not  swerve5 
in  the  slightest  from  the  views  held  by  your  Prophet  and  his 
Companions  ! 

Says  Abu  Muhammed:  We  have  already  set  forth  the  dis- 
graceful tenets  of  all  these  sects  in  a  short  book  of  ours,  entitled:" 

1  Ed.  yyLg_}*-»JCj  the  only  correct  reading.  —  L.  i_<-l  a  y  Br.  cuol+J, 
V.  tfyjUj  ,  Y.  ^L*xj  . 
9  Br.  V.  JJflb  "  absurd." 

8  Br.  V.  [V^iJl?  +  "  to  them." 

*  Br.  V.  I  jijC  Y$£.  "  another  opinion." 


6  Ed.  L^aJJ*'-     Codd.  better  !.„=>...*:>  ;  Y.  L^-ju  in  a  similar  meaning. 


6  Ed.  x+M/1  •  —  Codd.  &4^*/»  "  designated  as." 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  39 

"The  saving  advices  against  the  disgusting  infamies  and  per- 
nicious depravities  contained  in  the  beliefs  of  the  adherents  of 
heresy  among  the  four  sects:  the  Mu'tazilites,  the  Murji'ites,  the 
Kharijites  and  the  Shi'ites."  We  subsequently  appended  it  at 
the  end  of  our  exposition  on  the  sects  in  this  work.1 

The  consummation  of  all  good2  is  that  you  should  cling  to  the 
text  which  your  Lord  wrote  down3  in  the  Koran  —  in  Arabic 
language,  making  clear,  with  no  negligence  whatever  as  regards 
clearness,  everything  —  as  well  as  the  words  which  are  firmly 
established  as  those  of  your  Prophet  through  the  traditions  of 
the  reliable  authorities4  among  the  Imams  (leaders)  of5  the  mas- 
ters of  the  Hadith,  *  in  a  chain  leading  up  to  the  Prophet  :8 
both  ways  [117]  will  enable  you  to  attain  the  satisfaction  of 
your  Lord. 

We  shall  forthwith  proceed  [to  discuss]7  the  topics  which  are 
the  pillar  concerning  which  the  Muslims  are  divided  in  their 
opinions,  i.  e.,  Unity,  Free  Will,  Faith,  Punishment,  thelmamate 
and  the  Degrees  of  excellence  (of  the  Companions)  and  then  fin- 
ish with  those  matters  which  the  Mutakallimun  call  "latfi'if" 
(subtleties).  We  shall  set  forth  all  *the  proofs  they  adduce8 
and  expound  with  convincing  arguments  the  points  of  truth  in 
all  this,  —  in  the  same  way  as  we  proceeded  previously,9  with 
Allah's  assistance  unto  us  and  his  support.  There  is  no  assist- 
ance nor  strength  except  in  Allah,  the  Exalted,  the  Almighty. 

1  L.  Y.  om.  this  sentence.     See  my  essay  :  "  Zur  Komposition  von  Ibn 
Hazm's  Milal  wan-Nihal"  in  Noldeke's  Jtibelschrift,  i,  p.  273. 

2  Br.  V.    -ArL!  "information." 

3  L.  Br.  V.  XjuLc  .—Ed.  Y.  *XjJ.£.  is  not  as  good. 

4  Ed.  erroneously  spelt  sl&£j|  . 

5  Br.  V.  om.  k 

6  L.  Y.  om. 


1  Codd.  f»^LO!  £  (Br.  *^jOU).     Ed.  om.  probably  owing  to  homoio- 
teleuton. 

8  Br.  V,  *-gjuo  XftjLb    Jo    2U  2s-a.t  "  every  party  of  them  adduces." 

9  Br.  V.  instead  JULJ!  £  "  with  the  religions." 


40  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

B.    The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shi'ites. 

[Printed  Edition  (=  Ed.)  IV  pp.  178-188;  Codex  Leyden  (-L.)  II  fol. 
135"  ff.;  Codex  British  Museum  (  =  Br.)  Ill  fol.  87a  ff.;  Codex  A  III 
fol.  105"  ff.;  Cod.  Yale  (  =  Y.)  Ill  fol.  70"  ff.  The  variants  quoted  anony- 
mously are  taken  from  L.  and  Br.  and,  if  not  otherwise  stated,  are 
identical  in  both  Codices.  The  readings  of  Y.  are,  if  not  otherwise 
stated,  identical  with  those  in  A.  On  Codex  A  and  the  other  codices  see 
Introduction,  pp.  17  and  24.] 

1  Description  of  *the  grave  errors*  leading  to  apostasy  or 
absurdity  contained  in  *the  views  of  the  adherents  of  heresy: 
the  Mu'tazilites,  the  Khdrijites,  the  Murji'ites  and  the  Shi'ttes.3 

Says  Abu  Muhammed  :4  We  have  already  described  in  this 
work  the  infamies  of  the  religions  opposed  to  Islam  [and  the 
lies]5  which  are  found  in  their  Scriptures,  viz.,  those  of  the 
Jews,  Christians  and  Magicians,  besides  which  nothing  remains" 
for  them,7  so  that  nobody  who  becomes  acquainted  with  them 
(their  Scriptures)8  will  doubt  that  those  people  are  engrossed  in 
error.  Now  let  us  proceed  with  these  four  sects  and  describe 
their  detestable  tenets  so  that  this  work  may  render  clear  to 
every  reader  that  they  are  engrossed  in  error  and  absurdity,  and 
may  thus  prevent  those  whom  Allah  wishes  to  guide  the  right 


**w«     &A.£?.    a!.).     See    "  Zur     Komposition 
von  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wan-Nihal,"  p.  272,  n.  2. 

^      *** 

2  *A*wJI  ''the  depravities." 

iLaj!  Jt  cjo   "the  heresies  of  the 


Rawafid,   the    Kharijites,   the  Mu'tazilites  and    the    Mnrji'ites."    See 
"  Zur  Komposition,  etc."  p.  274,  n.  I/  See  Comm. 

4  Y.  (also  later)  +  x*o». 

0  Ed.  Y.  om.  i^j^Xdl.  which  is  indispensable. 

'  Ed.  Y.  &ub  ;  L.  Br.  &XAJ  "  proof."    See  Commentary. 


>.  aJU  (Xfr^t.  "Praise  unto  Allah,   the  Lord  of  all 


Created  Beings  !"-also  V  Ux>  instead  of 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.          «     •      41 

way  from  joining  them  or  from  continuing  [to  be]1  with  them. 
There  is  no  assistance  nor  strength  except  in  Allah  the  Exalted, 
the  Almighty. 

\\  C  wish,  however,  the  reader  of  this  our  book1  to  under- 
stand that  we  do  not  consider  permissible  —  as  do  those  in  whom 
there  is  no  good  —  to  quote  in  anyone's3  name  any  statement 
which  lie4  did  not  make  verbatim,  though  the  (general)  view 
(conveyed  by  the  quotation)  may  go  back  to  him  (the  quoted 
person).  For  the  latter  may  not  always  cling  to  the  conse- 
quences following  from5  his  (general)  view  and  thus  a  contra- 
diction may  appear  (between  the  quotation  and  the  actual 
opinions  of  the  quoted  writer).  You  must  know  that  quoting 
in  anyone's  name  —  be  he  an  infidel,  a  heretic  or  a  (mere)  sinner 
—  a  statement  Avhich  he  did  not  make  verbatim  is  equal  to  tell- 
ing lies  about  him,  and  lying  is  not  allowed  against  anybody. 
"On  the  other  hand,  they  sometimes  hide  detestable  ideas  behind 
ambiguous  expressions,  so  as  to  make  them  more  attractive  to 
ignorant  people  and  to  those  of  their  followers  who  think  well 
of  them7  and  to  make  it  difficult  for  the  bulk  [179]  of  their 
opponents'  to  grasp8  (the  full  significance  of)  the  heresy  in  ques- 
tion. Thus  when  certain  sections  among  the  adherents  of 


>  Ed.  oni.  ^ 

8  Luo^^  "  our  words." 

3  +  (juc*j*a.s».  ^.jc  "  anyone  of  our  opponents." 

\v. 

4  aJLftJ  '  '  we  "  which  makes  no  sense. 

5  ^jj  II  conclure,  tirer  des  consequences  (Dozy).     Cf  .  also  I.  Fried- 

laender,  Sprachgebrauch  des  Maimonides  I  (1902)  sub  voce.  —  Y.  ^AXJ 
"  permitted  b}'."  C- 

6  L.  +  "He  says";  Br.  +  "  Says  Abu  Muhammed." 

^      ci     ** 

'  I  follow  the  reading  of  L.  Br.  .^j    \  fc>  It    .w^sJ    .^x*    -JLc.  .  — 
Ed.  Y.  *_£j    -iixJ!  ^**.s!«  is  against  the  construction,  both  of  the 
phrase  and  the  verb  (    U»  j  in  this  meaning  being  followed  by  ^i). 
.  —  Ed.  Y.  incorrectly 


Om. 


42  ,  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

heterodoxy  and  fallacy1  say2  :  God  cannot  be  described  as  hav- 
ing the  power  to  do  something  absurd,  or  unjust,  or  false,3  or  any- 
thing of  which  he  does  not  know  beforehand  that  it  will  happen,4 
they  (deliberately)  conceal  the  gravest  heresy  in  this  proposition, 
in  order  to  mollify"  the  illiterate  among  their  adherents6  and 
appease  the  crowd  of  their  opponents.  (They  do  so),  because 
they  are  afraid  of  openly  declaring7  their  belief  which  in  fact 
means  that  the  Almighty  has  no  power  over  injustice,  nor 
strength  over  falsehood,  nor  might  over  absurdity.  We  are 
necessarily  compelled  to  disclose  forgeries  of  this  kind  and  expose 
them  in  the  clearest  possible  terms.  We  thus  hope  to  get  near 
Allah  by  rending  asunder  their  veils  and  disclosing  their  secrets.8 
"  Allah  is  sufficient  for  us.  He  is  an  excellent  Protector!"9 

Description  of  the  Depravities  of  the  Shi'ites. 

Says  Abu  Muhammed  :  The  adherents  of  depravities  (hetero- 
doxies) belonging  to  this  sect  are  divided  into  three  sections. 

I.  The  first  of  them  is  the  Jdrtidiyya,  a  part  of  the  Zeidiyya. 

II.  Then   the    Imdmiyya^    belonging   to   the    Rawufid,    and 
finally 

III.  the  Extremists. 


"those  who  go  astray  from 
the  religion  of  Allah." 

2  +«>!  "  since  "  which  makes  no  sense.     It  is  probably  to  be  corrected 

"  1 
in  ^J  "  that." 

<£ 

3  +  JJ0LJ!  ^1  .>LfcjJ!  J^c.  Vj  "or  to  call  (mankind)  to  anything 
nonsensical." 

4  &JlxjL>  "  that  he  will  do  it." 

6  Y.  (LwwoLi'  (L.  Br.  unpointed)  ''to  bring  into  despair"  which  makes 
no  sense. 

6  +  A  0  ^Vlp^n-  "and  their  imitators." 

o  ' 
1  +v£xxi».  "  the  ugliness  of." 

8  +*^jJ^L«o    .j-c.    uwLJt     ,xaxi'.  "and  to  make  people  flee  from 
their  fallacy." 

9  Koran  III,  167. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  43 

I.  As  to  the  .TCtriidiyya,  a  part  of  them  believed  in  Muham- 
medb.  'Abdallah  b.  al-Hasan  b.  al-Hasan'  b.  'Ali  b.  Abf  Talib, 
the  same2  who  rose  in  Medina  against  Abu  Ja'far  al-Mansur. 
The  latter  dispatched  against  him3  'Isa  b.  Musa  b.  Muhammed  *b. 
'Alt  b.  'Abdallah4  b.  al-'  Abbas,  who  killed  Muhammed  b. 
'Abdallah  *b.  al-Hasan,  Allah  have  mercy  on  him!6  This  sec- 
tion then  believed  that  the  said  Muhammed  was  alive,8  that  he  was 
never  killed,  that  he  never  died7  nor  will  ever  die  until  he  has 
filled  the  earth  with  justice  as  it  is  filled  with  iniquity.  Another 
section  of  them  believed  in  Yahya  b.  'Omar  *b.  Yahya8  b.  al- 
Husein9  b.  Zeid  d.  -Ali  b.  al-Husein  b.  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib,  who 
rose  in  Kufa  *in  the  days  of10  al-Musta'in.  Muhammed  b. 
'Abdallah  b.  Tahir  b.  al-Husein  b.  Mus'  ab,  the  wali  of  Bag-- 
dad for  al-Musta'in,  disDatched  against  him  the  son  of 
his  paternal  uncle  al-Husein  b.  Isma'il  b.  Ibrahim  b. 
Mus'ab,  the  nephew  of  Ishak  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Mus'ab,11  who 
killed  Yahya  b.  'Omar,  Allah  have  mercy  on  him!  The  said 
section  then  believed  that  this  Yahya  b.  'Omar  was  alive,12  that 
he  was  never  killed,  *that  he  never  died13  nor  will  ever  die  until 
he  has  filled  the  earth  with  justice  as  it  is  filled  with  'iniquity.  — 

1  Ed.  and  Codd.  al-Husein.  2  +.JO  . 


"  the  son  of  his  brother." 
4  Om.  5  Om.  6  +  |»~JIJ,t  "  until  this  day." 

,-j.x!    -^.Ls-Lj  ^a>  xjL  "  and  that  he  lived  in  Hdjir 


in  the  mountain  of  Radwd." 

8  Om.  9  Al-Hasan. 

10  Jet  "  against"  instead  of  *L>t  (also  later). 

11  I  follow  the  reading  of  L.  Br.     yOtJiwL+JU  jt  Jou 


J>Lb 


o'L^fl    .c^'  •  —  Ed-     .        otXu^        -jo 

(sic)  jL*.£.  ^jj 
"by    order    of    al-Musta'in    the   son   of  his  paternal 

uncle  (read  ^p'  )  al-Hasan  (sic)  b.  Ismd'il  b.  al-Husein,  the  son  of  the 
brother  of  Tahir  b.  al-Husein."    See  Comm. 
12  +  *JI  J,!  "  until  this  day."          13  Om. 


44  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

Another  section  believed  that  Muharamed  b.  al-Kasim  b.  'All 
b.  'Omar  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Husein  b.  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib,  who  rose  in 
Talikan1  in  the  days  of  al-Mu'tasira,  was  alive,  that  he  never 
died,  *nor  was  ever  killed"  nor  will  ever  die  until  he  has  filled 
the  earth  with  justice  as  it  is  filled  with  inquity. 

The  Keisdniyya,  the  followers  [of  Keisan  Abu  'Omra,  one  of 
the  followers]3  of  al-Mukhtar  b.  Abi  'Ubeid4 — they  are  in  our 
opinion  a  branch5  of  the  Zeidiyya  in  their  tendency" — that 
Muhammed  b.  Ali  b.  Abi  Talib — i.  e.,  Ibn  al-Hanafiyya — was 
(still)  alive  in  the  mountains7  of  Radwa,  having  on  his  right  a 
lion  and  on  his  left  a  leopard,  conversing  with  angels,  his  su>- 
tenance  coming  to  him  in  the  morning  and  in  the  evening,  that 
he  never  died,  nor  will  ever  die  until  he  has  filled  the  earth  with 
justice  as  it  is  filled  with  iniquity. 

II.  *Some  of  the  Imamitic  Rawafid — I  refer  to  the  sect8  called 
a.\-Mamttira — believed  that  Musa  b.  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed  b. 
'Ali  b.  al-Husein  b.  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib  was  alive,  that  he  never 
died  [180]  nor  will  ever  die  until  he  has  filled  the  earth  with  justice 
as  it  is  filled  with  iniquity.  Another  group  of  them,  viz,  the 
N&wusiyya,  the  followers  of9  Xawus10  of  Basra,11  believed  *the 
same  of  his  father  Ja  'far  b.  Muhammed. 1S  Another  group  believed 


wx>  "  in  the  lands  of  Khordsdn."  •  Om. 

3  Supplied  from  L.  Br.  >_«i  *a^l     +jo    ,.\\£*  XT*  ^       >|  ,  .Lw^xJ  .     Ed. 

CT~    c;    ^    /^  i5'     ^ 
Y.  om.  through  homoioteleuton. 

AftxJ!  "  of  the  Banu  Taklfa." 


*  Ed.  correctly  JUJL«W  ,  Br.  juuni  .  L.  «J 

•  Lit.:  "  path."—  L.  Br.  *-gJU~  plural.  7  Sing. 

8  Merely  auajf  Jl        o  xio  c^Jlj    "  a  section  of  the  Rawafid."     See 


Introduction,  pp.  22  and  23. 
9  L.  Br.  A.  +  Ibn.  ">  ^  J  . 

11  Ed.  Y.        _*nJ!  "  from  Egypt."    See  Comm. 


j  |J 


lx«^>.  "  that  Ja'far  b.  Muh.  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Hus.  b.  'Ali  b.  A.  T.  was  alive, 
)'  • 

that  he  never  died  nor  will  ever  die  until,  etc."    The  same  elaborate 
formula  instead  of    uLo  also  later. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  45 

the  same  of  his  brother  Isma'il  b.  Ja'far.  The  Saba'iyya,1 
the  followers  of  the  Jew"  'Abdallah  ibn  Saba  the  Himyarite, 
believed  the  same  of  'Alt  b.  Abi  Talib,  adding3  that  he  was  in  the 
clouds.  But  I  wish  I  knew  in  what  particular  cloud  he  is  to  be 
found,  there  being  so  many  clouds  in  the  different  zones  of  the 
earth  "that  are  compelled  to  do  service  between  heaven  and 
earth,"  as  Allah  the  Almighty  said.4  *The  said  'Abdallah  ibn 
Saba,  having  received  the  news  of  'All's  murder,5  expressed 
himself  in  these  terms:  "  Even  if  you  had  brought  us  his  brains 
in  seventy  bags,6  we  would  not  be  convinced  of  his  death. 
He  will  surely  not  die  until  he  has  filled  the  earth  with  justice 
as  it  is  filled  with  iniquity."  Some  of  the  Keisaniyya  *believed 
that  Abii  Muslim  as-Siraj  was  alive  and  has  not  died,  and  that  he 
will  undoubtedly  appear  again.  Others  of  the  Keisaniyya7 
believed  that  'Abdallah  b.  Mu'awiya  b.  'Abdallah  b.  Ja'far  b. 
Abi  Talib  was  alive  in  the  mountains  of  Isbahan  until  this  day 
and  will  undoubtedly  appear  again.  This  /Abdallah  is  the 
same  who  rose  in  Faris  in  the  days  of  Merwan  b.  Muhammed 
and  was  killed  by  Abu  Muslim,  after  the  latter  had  kept  him  in 
prison  for  a  long  time.8  This  'Abdallah  held  detestable9  opinions 
in  religious  matters,  being  a  Xihilist  and  seeking  the  company 
of  the  Dahriyya. 

1  Ed.  Y.  Sababiyya.     Br.  unpointed  ;  L.  as  above.     See  Comm. 

• 

•  ,»^L*wVt      g^l  ?  l_}J«_2j  iv)l£i  "fo  was  a  Jcw  &***  outwardly  pro- 
fessed Islam."    Cf.  p.  37. 

3  t«JLs.  "  maintaining." 

4  Koran  II,  159. 


x>  Jo-  &*s»       £.  JjCi'  i>»j  j!    AAW  ^-?V  Joo        j  "When 

it  was  said  to  Ibn  Saba,  after  the  murder  of  'All  had  taken  place:    'All 
has  died." 

6  1  follow  the  reading  of  A.     5^0  ^.AJtAvA  ,   see  Comm.     Ed.  Y. 
SV^^WAJUUA;  "70  times."    L.  Br.  So«^o  ^Br.  unp.)  "70  blows"   which 

makes  no  sense. 

7  L.  om.  through  homoioteleuton. 

8  5  Joo  "  a  while." 

i  "corrupt." 


46  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

Says  Abu  Muhammed  :  These  people  only  follow  in  the  foot- 
steps of  the  Jews  who  believe  that  *Malkizedek  [b.  Falig]  b.  '  Abir 
[b.  Shalih]  b.  Arphakhshad  b.  Sam  b.  Nuh1  and  the  servant 
whom  Ibrahim  dispatched  to  woo  Ribket,"  the  daughter  of 
Bethu'ar  b.  Nakhur4  b.  Tarikh  for  his  son  Ishak,  and  Ilyas 
(Elijah)  and  Phinhas  b.  Al'azar5  b.  Harun  are  alive  until  this 
day.6  The  same  direction  is  also  taken,  by  some  silly7  Sufis, 
who  affirm  that  Ilyas  and  al-Khadir  are  both  alive  until  this 
day,  some  of  them  even  claiming  that  they8  met  Ilyas  in  des- 
erts9 and  al-Khadir  on  lanes  and  meadows,1"  and  that  the  latter, 
whenever  called,  instantly  appears11  before  the  man  who  has 
called  him. 

Says  Abu  Muhammed:  How  does  al-Khadir  accomplish  it,  *if 
he  is  called  in  the  East,  the  West,  the  North  and  the  South12  and13 


1  Ed.  Y.      J|  Juo^s?     ,jj  (Y. 


L.  Br.  also  add  Methusalem.  but  the  reading  is  corrupt  :  ^^ 


r3^-  (J"?  (Br- 

_jj     wj  ("Br.  ,»Lfr)  r*^  t-J1^  •  —  ®n  the  readings  adopted  in  the  text 

see  Commentary. 

2  Ed.  Y.  LAJ^  ,  L.  Br.  L*^  . 

3  Ed.  Y.  Jlpo  .  4     y*\  .  5  Algazar. 

6  +*JC  ^j!  (M.>cX.j  ^5  LxJjJt  3    "on  earth,   but  it  is  not  known 


where  they  are.'9 
7  Ed.  Y.   C^Y^  makes  no  sense.     L.  Br.    ^+*  (L.  under  it  in  tiny  let- 


ters ^wuJlie.  ^..t/^)=    ^  plural  of  the  elativ 

8  Ed.  Y.  singular  (  ^.iLL:  aol),  taking  the  preceding  (jdju  as  "  one." 
The  singular,  however,  contradicts  the  statement  in  the  next  paragraph. 

'  j.jJLj«  &XwL£*.»4Jt  "  lonely  (deserts)  and  met." 

10 


+  -LgjVtj  ,M.jotJf  Lg^o  <r^^  "  in  which  there  are  wells  and  rivers." 
(Br.   om. 


11  Br.   Ja^.  "presents  himself." 
i/ 


^  SyJ  ^  <j£  "  ^  the  people  call  him 
simultaneously  in  the  extreme  East,  etc."      ,*Q?!  added  to  each  direction. 


Om. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  47 

in  thousand  different  places  in  the  same  instant  ?  (Yet)  we  met 
several  people1  who  held  this  belief,  among  them  [Muhammed  b. 
'Abdallah  b.  Salam  al-Ansari]2  known  as  Shukk  al-Leil,  tradi- 
tionist3  in  Talabira,  who  *in  spite  of  it4  belongs  to  the  influential 
circles  and  masters*  a  great  amount  of  traditions;5  among  them 
also  the  Katib  Muhammed  b.  'Abdallah,  who  told  me  that  he 
*many  times6  sat  with  al-Khadhir  and  conversed  with  him,  and 
many  others.  (They  believe)  all  this,  despite  their  knowing 
the  saying  of  Allah:  "But  (he  is)  the  Apostle  of  Allah  and  the 
seal  of  the  prophets,"7  and  the  words  of  the  Apostle  of  Allah: 
"There  is  no  prophet  after  me."8  How  then  can  a  Muslim 
think  it  permissible9  to  assume  [after  this  that]10  there  is  a  pro- 
phet on  earth  after  Muhammed,  with  the  exception,  stipulated  by 
the  Apostle  of  Allah,  of  the  miracles  which,  according  to  relia- 
ble tradition,  are  certain  to  take  place  in  connexion  with  'Isa  b. 
Maryam's  advent  at  the  end  of  Time? 

The  heretics  of  [181]  Baragwatah  expect  *until  this  day"  Salih 
b.  Tarif,  who  instituted  for  them  their  religion.12 

*The  KitM^iyya,  of  the  Imamitic  Rawafid  —  they  constitute 
the  bulk  of  the  Shi'ites,  and  to  them  belong  the  dogmatists  and 
thinkers  as  well  as  the  large  numbers  (of  the  Shi'ites)  —  all 
believe13  that  Muhammed  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali  b.  Muhammed  *b. 
'Ali14  b.  Musa  b.  Ja'far  [b.  Muhammed]16  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Husein  b. 


"a  large  number.'" 
•  Ed.  Y.  om.     Supplied  from  L.  Br. 

3  Om.  4  Om.  5  Only  Julj  Jtj  . 

6  Om.  '  Koran  XXXIII,  40. 

8  L.  gives  a  long  marginal  gloss,  on  which  see  Comm. 

9  .^^L**o  (Br.  imp.)  "ask,"  which  makes  no  sense. 

Jou.     Ed.  Y.  om.  owing  to  homoioteleuton.  ll  Om. 


"  Until  Allah  stamped  out  their  vestigfs  altogether  in  our  own  time. 
Praise  unto  Allah  /"    See  Comm. 


13  Differently  worded  ^x>  aLyoLcV!  ..^x  *JC^  LgJlS'  iLuL*iaJiJ!  oJUj. 
*Jfe^*JUOu  p-g^ij  (»^*J'  xxii!  J!    "  All  the  K. 


—they  now  belong  to  the  Imamiyya  of  the  Rawafid  and  among  them 
are  their  dogmatists  and  thinkers  as  well  as  their  center  of  gravity  — 
believe."  u  Om.  15  Ed.  Y.  om. 


48  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

'Ali  b.  Abt  Talib  is  alive,  that  he  never  died  nor  will  ever  die 
until  he  will  appear  and  fill  the  earth  with  justice  as  it  is  filled 
with  iniquity.  He  is  in  their  opinion  the  Mahdi,  the  Expected.1 
A  section  of  them  maintains2  that  *the  birth  of  this  one  who 
(in  reality)  was  never  created  took  place3  in  the  year  260  —  *the 
year  when  his  father  died.4  Another  section,  however,  main- 
tains that  he  was  born  some  time  after  his  father's  death.  Still 
another  section  maintains  that  he  was,  on  the  contrary,  born 
during  the  lifetime  of  his  father.  They  report  this  in  the 
name  of  flukeima,6  the  daughter  of  Muhammed  b.  'Ali  b.  Mfisa.6 
*(They  also  report)  that  she  was  present  at  his  birth  and  heard 
him  speak  and  recite  the  Koran  the  moment  he  fell  out  of  the 
womb  of  his  mother,  and  that  his  mother  was  Narjis  and  that 
she  herself  (Hukeima)  was  his  nurse.7  The  majority3  of  them, 
however,  say  that  his  mother  was  Sakil  and  a  part  of  them  say 
that  his  mother  was  Sausan.  "But  all  this  is  humbug,10  for  the 
above-mentioned  al-Hasan  left  no  children,"  neither  male  nor 
female.  Such  is  the  first  folly1"  of  the  Shi'ites  and  the  key  to 


!  .  *  Ed.  misprint  J*AJ.  . 

"  his  birthdate  (was)." 

jt  &j!  (Br.  Sy&o  ,  L.  S^Jo)  5^5jo  ^  jJ!  «yyo  * 
_=*.!  "  This  is  the  year  of  death  of  him  whom  (that  section) 

mentions  as  being  (Br.  whom  we  deny  to  be)  his  father.     He  is  the  last 
of  their  Imams." 

5  Xjt~&.  viLfj  £  t.«x«  "they  report  about  this  a  silly  story."—  Instead 
of  SUjOC=».  ..^.  there  is  a  blank  both  in  L.  and  Br. 


6  -f-  -mS<+$\  ,-yAw.t  &+£•  ^t  o^=*l  "the  sister  of  'Ali  and  the  aunt 
of  the  above-mentioned  al-Hasan." 


awl   (jlj   (jUiJ!    ^   cub!.—  Ed.   Y. 

A.  ooLT^  L^!5. 

8  aLftjLb  "a  part." 

9  +Says  Abu  Muhammed. 

fabricated  lie." 


$, 

11  ^Lo!  "  at  all."  '2  J.j>  "belief." 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  49 

their  grave  errors1  of  which  this  one  is  the  least  grave,  though 
(sufficient)  to  lead  to  perdition. 

All  these,2  when1"  asked  to  prove  what  they  say,  reply  :  Our 
proof  is  Inspiration,  and  he  who  contradicts  us  is  of  illegitimate 
birth.  4This  is  strange5  indeed  !  I  wish  I  knew  the  dif- 
ference between  them  and  the  opposite  attitude6  of  those  who 
claim  Inspiration  while  proving  the  absurdity  of  their  assump- 
tions and  (maintaining)  that  the  Shi'ites7  are  of  illegitimate 
birth9,  or  that  they  are  idiots9,  or  that  they  all  have  forking  pro- 
jections10 on  their  heads.  *What  would  they  say  of  one  who 
had  belonged  to  them  but  then  went  over  to  the  others,  or  one 
who  had  belonged  to  the  others  and  then  went  over  to  them  ? 
Do  you  believe  that  he  is  transferred11  from  an  illegitimate  birth 


1  (v4.-L^  which  evidently  stands  for  ^  g>*U  -^  "  their  curiosities." 

-  IjJls  xX^  viXJO  3  JLsXrLt  .  .  .  jv^3l  (sic)  |»4jL^  ^jjO)  . 

3  Ed.  and  Codd.  j!  "  since."     Read  I  jl  . 

s« 

4  +  Says  Abu  Muhammed. 

'•>  Ed.  and  Codd.  Lib  _b  .    I  read  LOJ  Jc  "  strange"  (Lane). 

6  Ed.  Y.    -LxC  from  ^xc  III  "  to  equalize,  adjust,"  which  conveys  no 


proper  sense.     L.  t>xc  (Br.  uncertain).    I  read  oxfr  from  JoLc  III  "  to 
oppose,  contradict." 

I  . 


8  Ed.  jjjui-,  .—Read  5  <X&  J  as  in  Br.  Y.—  L.  s<X&  Jf  . 

9  Ed.  k$lj  which  is  perhaps  to  be  read    ~$«J  ,  comp.  p.  46,  note  '7. 
Instead  of  -HS^i    *~&jl  5!  the  Codices  have    ^e  .ygj  J 


"and  that  all  of  them,  from  the  first  to 

the  last,  ineunt  mulieres  in  latrinis  suis."    Ed.  no  doubt  intentionally 
omitted. 

10  Ed.    ^j*J£*  ..wo  aujUw  «3*  ;  L.  Br.  ^jui  .6  .  —  (Jf***-  (•)••*  "  of 
madness,"  om.  in  all  Codices  and  is  most  probably  a  gloss.     See  Comm. 

11  Differently  worded    ^i  *&uO  ^jl^^+jo  ^.X.Lj'  Lo  ,vXJ  J.JiJ  AJ' 


VOL.   XXVIII. 


50  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

to  a  legitimate  one  or  from  a  legitimate  birth  to  an  illegitimate 
one  ?  Should  they  say  :  his  case1  depends  on  his  condition  at 
his  death,  then  one"  ought  to  reply  to  them:  (If  so),  then  per- 
haps you3  are  of  illegitimate  birth,  since  it  is  not  impossible 
that  you  will  all  one  by  one  return  to  the  reverse  of  what  you 
believe  today.  Surely,  they  all  are  -people  of  foul  opinions,  of 
weak  minds  and  of  no  shame.4  Let  us  seek  refuge  in  Allah 
*from  Error.5 

'Amr  b.  Bahr  al-Jahiz  —  one  of  those  frivolous  men  who  are 
mastered  by  the  desire  for  a  joke,  and  one  of  those  who  lead 
into  error,8  yet  one,  as  we  found,  who  in  his  books  never  sets 
forth  a  lie  deliberately  and  assertively,  though  he  often  enough 
sets  forth  the  lies  of  others  —  (al-Jahiz)  narrates  the  following  : 
Abu  Ishak  Ibrahim7  an-Nazzam  and  Bishr  b.  Khalid8  told  me 
that  they  once  said  to  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far  the  Rafidite,  known 
as  Sheitan  at-Tak:  *"Woe  unto  thee!9  Art  thou  not  ashamed 
*before  Allah10  of  what  thou  hast  asserted  in  thy  book  on  "  the 
Imamate  "  that  Allah  never  said  in  the  Koran  :  '  The  second  of 
two  :  when  they  were  both  in  the  cave,  when  he  said  unto  his 
companion  :  Be  not  grieved,  for  Allah  is  with  us  !'"?"  They  both 
continue  to  narrate:  "By  Allah,  Sheitan  at-Tak  thereupon 


jf  "  surely. 
2  UJljJ  "we." 


,  "  whatever." 

jo  "from  that  with  which  he  tempted  them." 
Ed.  misprint    y^i^  tlt  J^L*a..M  instead  of  the  reverse.  —  Y.  +  JL» 

j'  *JUI  "  Allah  says  :  Walk  not  proudly 


in  the  land  "  (Koran  XVII,  39).     This  is  evidently  the  gloss  of  a  reader. 

7  Om. 

8  iiJyui+J!  Sj^j  ..yjo  Lo_>l  «J6«  "he  also  was  one  of  the  leaders  of 

the  Mu'tazilites." 
9Om. 


^*j  yfc 
Koran  IX,  40. 


aJUf  oJut  Lo!  "  doest  thou  not  fear  Allah?" 


Vol.  xxviii.J       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  ete.  51 

broke  forth  into  a1  long  laughter  so  that2  (we  felt)  as  had  we 
been  the  evildoers."  An-Nazzam  narrates:  "We  often  spoke 
with3  'Ali  b.  Mitam4  as-Sabuni  (the  soapboiler)  —  he  was  one 
of  the  doctors  of  the  Rawafid  and  one  of  their  dogmatists  —  and 
we  would  occasionally  ask  him  [for  some  information,  which  he 
would  give  us.  When  we  asked  him]  :6  '  Is  it  (i.  e.,  your  informa- 
tion) an  opinion  (of  your  own)  or  an  oral  information6  (coming) 
from  the  Imams  ?"  he  would  deny  that  he  gave  it  of  his  own 
opinion.  We  then  reminded  him8  of  what  he  had  said  about 
the  same  thing  on  a  previous  [182]  occasion."  He  (an-Nazzam) 
continues  :  '  'By  Allah,  I  never  saw  him  blush  for  it  or  feel  ashamed 
of  having  done  it." 

One  of  the  tenets  of  the  Imamites  —  both  ancient  and  modern 
—  is  that  the  Koran  was  interpolated  by  adding  passages  that 
were  not  in  it,  by  removing  a  great  number  (of  verses)  from  it 
and  altering  a  great  number  (of  verses)  in  it.  The  only  excep- 
tion is  'Ali  b.  al-Husein9  b.  Musa  *b.  Muhammed10  b.  Ibrahim 
b.  Musa  b.  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Husein11  b.  'Ali 
b.  Abi  Talib,  who  was12  an  Imamite,  yet  at  the  same  time  openly 
declared  his  schism  (in  this  question).  He  always  denied  this 
belief  *and  declared  those  who  entertained  it  apostates.13  Of  the 
same  opinion  (with  him)  were  his  two  followers  Abu  Ya'la14 

1  +!w3Le  "sudden,  unexpected."  Originally  said  of  an  arrow  of 
which  the  shooter  is  not  known.  See  Lane  s.v. 


L*J.      "  we  had  to  blush  and." 


«  L-V         *. 

,j&5  "('All  b.  Mitam)  often  spoke  with  us." 

4  Ed.  Y.  *JUx>  ,  Br.  *AAXI  ,  L.  unp.  —  See  Comm. 

5  Ed.  Y.  om.  aJLwwJLs  ^xSXJ  kjlLw^A)  ^s.  owing  to  homoioteleuton. 


6  SoUs  "  oral  tradition."  7  Sing. 


8  Ed.  misprint  S  ,.x^Li  .  9  Ed.  Y.  al-Hasan. 

10  Om.  »  Ed.  Y.  al-Hasan. 


. 
j  "  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Imdmites  and  one  of  their  dogma- 


tists.   Yet,  at  the  same  time  he  openly  and  publicly  declared  his  schism." 

13  Only  xj    _RXJ«  which  is  probably  a  mistake  for  xj  jljj    vx   -AJo«. 

14  Ed.  Y.  L.  jou.  —  Br.  ^£.  is  probably  a  correction. 


52  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907, 

Sabalan  (?)'  of  Tusand  Abu'l-Kasim  ar-Razi  (of  Rai-Teheran). 
Says  Abu  Muhammed  :  The  belief  that  there  are  interpolations 
between  the  two  covers  (of  the  Koran)  is  pure5  apostasy  and3 
equal  to  declaring  the  Apostle  of  Allah  a  liar. 

A  section  of  the  Keisdniyya  believed  in  the  Transmigration 
of  Souls  and  this  belief  was  upheld  by  the  poet  as-Sayyid  al- 
Himyari,  Allah  curse  him!  Those  who  believed  in  it  were  so 
possessed  with  this  idea4  that  one  of  them  would  take  a  mule  or  a 
donkey  and  hit  it  and  torture  it  and  withhold  from  it  drink  and 
food,  on  the  ground  that  it  bears  the  spirit  of  Abu  Bekr  and 
'Omar.5  Marvel  at  this  folly,8  which  has  no  parallel  to  it!  'For 
by  what  right  has  this  miserable  mule  or  unlucky  donkey  been 
distinguished  by  transferring  to  it  the  spirit  (of  Abu  Bekr  and 
'Omar),  more  than  all  other  mules  and  donkeys?  They  do  the 
same  thing  to  a  she-goat,  on  the  ground  that  she  bears  the  spirit 
of  the  Mother  of  the  Faithful. 

8The  bulk  of  their9  dogmatists  like  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam  of 
Kufa,10  his  pupil11  Abu  'All  ash-Shakkak12  and  others  maintain 
that  God's  knowledge  is  created  and  that  he  knew  nothing 
until  he  created  knowledge  for  himself:  —  13this  is  pure  apostasy.14 


1  L.  ^^**u  ,  Br.  unp.     Ed.  Y.  J^yo  .     See  Comm. 

"  unadulterated"  (the.  same  variant  also  later). 


3  xiV  "  because  it  is." 

*  Ed.  Y.       tf  jo       +J  \  ilo    ;  L.  Br. 


"frenzy." 
5  4-  or  'Othmdn.    See  Comm. 


7  +  Lo^jjUu  ouJ  L>  "  I  wish  I  knew." 

8  +Says  Abu  Muhammed. 

»+  J^tt  "early." 

10  +  <XbJ    _Jo  ^yo  "a  client  of  the  Banu  Asad." 

11  Om. 

14  Ed.  Y.  Jl^aJ!  .     L.  Br.  Jl^sDI  (sic).     See  Comm. 
13  +Says  Abu  Muhammed. 


(L-  om-)  ^     "because  it  means  to  declare  God 
ignorant." 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  53 

The  same  Hisham,  when  once  arguing  with  Abu'l-Hudeil  al- 
'Allaf,1  declared  that2  his  Lord  was  seven  spans  (measured)  by  his 
own    spans:  —  this   is    pure    apostasy.3     Dawud    al-Hawari1— 
one  of  their  greatest  dogmatists,  asserted  that  his  Lord  was  flesh 
and  blood  (and)  of  human  shape. 

They  unanimously  hold  that  the  sun  was  turned  back  twice 
for  'All.  Is  there  more  stiffness  of  face5,  hardness  of  cheek,6 
lack  of  shame7  and  courage  *  to  lie  ?8  (And  all  this)  despite  the 
nearness  of  age9  and  the  multitude  of  people. 

10A  section  of  them  maintains  that  God  sometimes  wants  a 
thing  and  decides  upon  it;  then  something  occurs  to  him  and 
he  leaves  it  undone.  This  view  is  known  as  that  of  the  Keisaniyya. 

"Among  the  Imamites  there  are  some  who  permit  *to  marry13 
nine  wives.  Others  forbid13  cabbage14,  on  the  ground  that  it  only 
grew  from  the  blood  of  al-Husein,  and  had  never  existed  before. 
15This  assertion  resembles  in  its  small  amount18  of  shame  the  pre- 
vious one.  *In  the  same  way17  many  of  them  asserted  that 
'All  *never  had  a  namesake  before  him.18  But  this  is  frightful 
ignorance.  On  the  contrary,  there  were  *many  among  the  Arabs19 

1  +  "  in  Mekka." 

2  +  cLio    "the  length  of." 

3  +JL=».«  yc.  jJULj  »tJ£*J  auV  "because  it  means  ridiculing  God."  • 

4  Ed.  ;5\tj4>!  ;  Codd. 

»  Plural.  «  Plural. 

"life,"  which  makes  no  sense. 

J^e.  "  to  stupefy  all  the  peo- 


'•  /    / 
pie  of  the  earth  with  lies." 

9  +    ^j9\\  viXJj  ^i     .^  ..MJO  "to  those  who  lived  in  that  generation.'1'' 
—  L.  Br.  om. 


10  L.  Br.  om.  the  whole  paragraph.       "  +  "  Says  Abu  Muhammed.  " 

<i  f- 

15  Om.  13  +  J5  \  "  the  eating  of." 

14  Erroneously  <_>i\Yt  "hare."  16  +Says  Abu  Muhammed. 

16  ..JL&  "  lack"  (of  shame).  17  Om. 

I  I  tX»  ,CW  ^J  • 

"  a  large  number  at  the  time  of  Ignorance." 


18 


54  7.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

who  were  called  by  this  name,  like  'All  b.  Bekr  b.  Wa'il,  to 
whom  every  Bekrite  in  the  world  traces  his  origin.1  *There  was 
an  'Ali  among  the  Azd  and  an  'All  among  the  Bajila  as  well  as 
in  other  (tribes).  Every  one  of  these  was  well-known  in  the  time 
of  Ignorance.2  Nearer  than3  this  was  'Amir  b.  at-Tufeil  with 
the  Kunya  Abu  'Ali. 

Their  public  assertions4  are,  however,  more  numerous  than 
those  mentioned. 

There  is  a  section  among  them  maintaining  that  Paradise  and 
Hell  will  decay.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  some  among  the 
Keisaniyya  who  maintain  that  this  world6  will  never  decay. 

There  was  one  section  among  them  called  al-Bajaliyyafi  [183] 
tracing  its  origin  to  *al-Hasan  b.7  'Alt  b.  "Warsand  al-Bajali.8 
He  belonged  to  the  people  of  Nafta,"  of  the  district  of  Kafsa10 
in  Kastilia,"  of  the  lands  of  Ifrikiya.  Then  this  infidel  started 
for  as-Sus  at  the  extreme  end  of  the  lands  of  the  Masamida, 
whom  he  led  astray,  also  leading  astray  the  Amir  of  as-Sus 
Ahmad  b.  Idris  b.  Yahya  b.  Idris  b.  'Abdallah  b.  al-Hasan12 
b.  al-Hasan13  b.  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib.  They  are  very  numerous 

1  Om.  au-wuj  ,i  .—  +  iaJii   Jo  ..vj   jCio  -AJ   _^iUk.  .     See  Comm. 
j     •  w  •  /        ••  (S  •  13 

I         '  o      - 

8  L.  Br.  instead  :     x  e  *n  S.    ^j    V;*-^    cH     r-"*-^    \J~? 

\i°"  °^  / 

^^^  \J"?  u^^  ^  (Codd- 

»Uxi 


L«fl_s!  .     See  Comm. 
3  Om.       x  :  "the  nearest." 


4  x-aiUt  s^?!.joL^?     "the  publ.  ass.  of  the  Rawafid." 


5  L.  *.t  "  Paradise."—  Br.  as  Ed. 

8  Ed.  iUJLadJ!  ,  Y.  &JU>Jt  ,  L.  xJlJj  ,  A.  auJLsJf  ,  Br. 
See  Comm.  ">  Om. 

•  Ed.  J^sUi  ,  Y.  J^aJt  ;  L.  Br.  unp. 

'  A.  x|^fl>  ;  L.  Br.  unp.  10  Br.  &^OAJ  . 

11  Om.     Ed.  Y.  Rx^Lk^  .—I  read  XjJLJxwwJ:  iuoAi'  "  Kafsa  in  K." 

'-  Ed.  Y.  al-Husein.  '»L.  Br.  al-Husein. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shtites,  etc.  55 

there,  dwelling  iu  the  environments  of  the  city  of  as-Sus,  openly 
professing  their  unbelief.  Their  prayers  are  different  from  those 
of  the  Muslims.  They  eat  no  fruit  whatever  whose  root  has 
been  manured.  They  maintain  that  the  Imamate  is  confined 
to  the  descendants  of  al-Hasan,  *to  the  exclusion  of  the  descend- 
ants of  al-Husein.1 

To  them  also  belonged  the  followers  of  AbH  Kdmil.  One  of 
their  beliefs  was  that  all  the  Companions  became  apostates  after 
the  death  of  the  Prophet  by  disclaiming  the  Imamate  of  'All, 
and  that  the  latter,  too,  became  an  apostate  by  conceding  the 
rule  first  to  Abu  Bekr,  then  to  'Omar,  then  to  'Othman.  The 
bulk  of  them,  however,  add  that  'All  and  those  that  followed 
him  returned  to  Islam,  having  asserted  his  rights  *after  the 
death  of  'Othman2,  by  uncovering3  his  face  and  unsheathing4  his 
sword,  while  before  this  they  had  drifted  away  from  Islam  and 
had  become  apostates  and  polytheists.  Among  them  there  were 
also  some  who  put  the  whole  blame  in  this  matter  on  the 
Prophet,  because  he  did  not  explain  the  question  in  a  manner 
removing  all  doubt.  Says  Abu  Muhammed:  All  this  is  pure 
apostasy  and  no  hiding  of  it  is  possible. 

These  are  the  doctrines5  of  the  Imamites,  who  among  the  sects 
of  the  Shi  'a  are  *moderate  as  regards6  "Extremism." 

III.  As  to  the  Extremists  among  the  Shi'ites,  they  are  divided 
into  two  parties:  1.  one  attributing  prophecy  after  the  Prophet 
to  some  other  person,7  2.  the  other  attributing  divinity  to  any- 
one beside  Allah,  thus  joining  the  Christians  and  the  Jews8  and 
betraying  religion  in  a  most  detestable  manner. 


Merely  aL*.  "alone"  +  ^^1.3   ^ 

#t>lj!    x<U!    \+.=^    c  lia+Jf    "  We  have  now  been  told  that 

'Abdallah  b.  Yasin  al-Muttawwi'  (the  Devout,  see  Lane  and  Dozy  s.v.) 
—Allah  have  mercy  on  him—  destroyed  them  completely." 

8  Om.  3  ,_Q^jQJ?  instead  of 

4  L.  Ju.**  ,  which  makes  no  sense. 


_ 
«xXu  "  the  depravities." 

"  keeping  back  from." 


1  Om.  Sj-xi    ;  +  j»^u;2   ,-v.c.  L^-^fi.  i  "  thus  deserting  Islam." 

8  Instead  of  "the  Jews";     UjCJ!   J>Lu/j  "and  therest  of  thelnfidels." 


56  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

1.  The  party  which  admits  prophecy  after  the  Prophet  is 
divided  into  various  sects. 

To  these  belonged  the  Gurdbiyya.*  Their  opinion  was  that 
Muhammed  resembled  'All  more  closely  than  one  raven  the  other 
and  that  Allah  had  dispatched  Jibril  with  a  revelation2  to  'All, 
but  Jibril  mistook  Muhammed  for  him.3  Yet4  Jibril  is  not  to 
be  blamed  as  he  (only)  made  a  mistake/  There  was,  however, 
a  section  among  them  who  said  that  Jibril  did  it  purposely  and 
they  declared  him  an  apostate  and  cursed  him,  may  Allah  curse 
them!  —  Says  Abu  Muhammed  :  Did  anyone  ever  hear  of  more 
weak-minded  people  and  more  finished  idiots  than  these  here6 
who  assume  that  Muhammed  resembled  'All  ?  For  Heaven's  sake  ! 
*How  could  there  exist  a  resemblance  between  a  man  of  forty 
and  a  boy  of  eleven  years,  so  that  Jibril  should  have  mistaken 
him  ?7  Besides,  Muhammed  was"  above  middle-size  (tending) 
towards  tallness,9  erect10  like  a  spear,  with  a  thick  beard,  big 
black11  eyes,  full  thighs,  with  little  hair  on  his  body,  1ml  rich 


1  L.  auiUJI  ,  Br.  x 

2  +&JL*  J!«  "  and  a  message." 

*       ' 


3  Instead  of  jLt^V+j  more  explicitly  cVt<P  ^|    -i'Ls  "  and  he  came 
to  M." 


4  +xi'«j  otti  ttjjLsJ  .vJ  "  then  they  disagreed  and  a  section  of 
them  said  "  :  this  is  probably  the  correct  reading. 


(Br.  xxxio)  «.A*W  ScXxcJ  "by    reason  of  the   strong 
resemblance  between  Muhammed  and  'All." 
6  Erroneously  *  a  t.  V  instead  of  .».j'  . 

.j!  L£JL5"(j*UJ!  li't 
J.X=*.  J^ai! 


[V  gt'^n  "'How  could  a  man  of  forty  bear  so  strong  a 

resemblance  to  a  boy  of  ten  that  the  most  perfect  of  all  men  should  err 
therein?  How  much  less  could  err  in  such  a  thing  the  most  excellent 
of  Allah's  creatures  and  the  most  perfect  of  them,  as  regards  discrimi- 
nation and  virtue  !"—  "  The  most  perfect  of  all  men,"  which  can  only 
refer  to  the  Prophet,  does  not  convey  a  proper  sense  in  this  connection. 
8  +j^Ajua.  "then." 


9  +v-*jJ'l  (JLbJIj!)  "  nearer  "  (to  tallness). 

10  L.  (Wuo  ,  Br.  ^  Jo  . 

11  Ed.  Y.  ^.ta!  without  sense.  —  L.  Br.  ^-frjl  as  translated. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  57 

curls.1  'All  on  the  contrary  was2  below  middle  size,  (tending) 
towards  shortness,3  stooping  frightfully,  as  though  he  had  been 
broken  and  then  reset,  *with  a  mighty  beard  which  covered  his 
chest4  from  one  shoulderbone  to  the  other,  *when  he  had  become 
bearded,5  with  heavy  eyes,6  with  thin  thighs,  [184]  mightily7 
bald,  with  no  hair  on  his  head  *except  a  tiny  bit  in  the  back  of 
it,8  but  with  much  hair  on  his  body.9  Marvel  at  the  silliness10 
of  this  pack.11  For  even  granted  that  Jibril  made  a  mistake — 
though  far  be  it  from  the  faithful12  Holy  Spirit13, — how  could  Allah 
have  neglected  *to  rectify  and14  to  enlighten  him  and  (how  could 
he)  have  allowed  him  to  abide15  by  his  mistake  twenty-three 
years  ?'°  But  even  more  strange17  than  all  this :  who  could  have 
told  them  this  story  and  who  could  have  imposed  upon  them  this18 
fable,  since  this  can  only  be  known  to  one  who  was  present  when 
Allah  gave  the  order  to  Jibril  and  then  was  present  at  his  disobey- 
ing it  ?  Upon  them  the  curse  of  Allah,  the  curse  of  those  who 

1  +  xx.ssJ!  «j!«  "  with  a  rich  beard." 

-  +,jl^  •+*$  <M  *J  <3y-*t  ,-A-O  <XxAjL2>.  "  then  a  beardless  boy.     When 
he  had  grown  up,  he  was." 

3  +(_>.j'!  (-^flJL'tJ,!)  "  nearer  "  (to  shortness). 

i  " ' 

4  +  Xx^Jf  xx«,  ic  vJW  "  with  an  exceedingly  rich  beard." 

5  Om.  6  +L»J8wXx5'  "  both  big."  7  $e,Juo  "  exceedingly." 

s  .    S  w 

8  sLftJs  ,i  oLyfl  o«-«o  W  "except  a  tuft  on  his  occiput."    Lit.,  "  a 

tuft  which  was  tufted."     I  owe  this  explanation  to  Professor  Torrey. 

9  Ed.  Y.  JLys^JI   "beard,"  which  makes  no  sense. — L.   Br. 
"body." 

10  IsLsV  "  at  the  exaggeration."       u  xajUaJ!  "  party." 

12  Om.  13 

14  Om.  I5 

16  +  VA£&!  ..w+J  SvAJtJ  ^  fl°'t^  ^  (jj.  "  Verily,  in  their  stupidity  there 
is  a  warning  for  those  who  accept  a  warning  I" 
'I  Ed.  o*Ji! .     I  read  o^bf .     See  p.  49,  n.  5. 

vile." 


58  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

curse1,  and  the  curse  of  the  whole  of  mankind2  so  long  as  human 
beings  will  last  before  Allah  in  his  world  ! 

One  section  believed  in  the  prophecy  of  'All.3  Another  sec- 
tion believed  that  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib,  al-Hasan,  al-Husein,4  'All 
b.  al-Husein5,  Muhammedb.  'All,  Ja'farb.  Muhammed,  °  Musa  b. 
Ja'far,  'Ali  b.  Musa,  Muhammed  b.  'Ali,  ['Ali  b.  Muhammed],7 
al-Hasan  b.  'Ali8  and  the  Expected,9  the  son  of  al-Hasan,  were 
all  prophets.10  Another  section  believed  in  the  prophecy  of 
Muhammed  b.  Isma'il  b.  Ja'far  only.  This  is  the  party  of  the 
Karmatians.  Another  section  believed  only  in  the  prophecy  of 
'Ali  and  his  three  sons:  al-Hasan,  al-Husein  and  Muhammed 
b.  al-Hanafiyya.  This  is  the  party  of11  the  Keisdniyya.  Al- 
Mukhtar12  was  constantly  attempting13  to  claim  prophecy  for 
himself:  he  spoke  in  rhymes14  and  warned  them  against  turning 
aside  from  Allah,  several  groups15  of  the  cursed  Shi'ites  follow- 
ing him  in  16this  belief.  He17  advocated  the  Imamate  of  Muham- 
med b.  al-Hanafiyya. 


1  Cf.  Koran  II,  154;  L.    Br.    +  xJo^Jt.  "and  of  the  angels." 
8  The  following  om. 

3  +  5<Xs^"  y^JLio  ^1  ^  "b.  Abi  Talib  alone." 

«Ed.Y.  +{+&). 

6  L.  om.  'Ali  b.  al-Husein  through  homoioteleuton. 


ov. 

7  Ed.  and  Codd.  om.     See  Comm. 

8  Ed.  and  Codd.  Muhammed.     See  Comm. 

9  +4X4^?  «JO«  "  i.  e.  Muhammed." 

10  +  JL»J  aJUt  Ju-s  "Apostles  of  Allah." 

11  Instead  of  ^./>  aLftSUfl  erroneously  .jLx 

18  +xJUt  &JLxJ  (Br.  only  aO*J)  "Allah  curse  him!" 

13  Ed.  correctly  fLa.  ;  Y.  |*«.cs»  ,  see  Dozy  s.v.    Lit.:  "turning  around." 


14  L.  erroneously 

16  JlftjLb  "a  group." 

14  +i_aj<XoJ'  "  holding  true." 

11  +viHJ  j*>o  "  at  the  same  time." 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  59 

One  section  believed  in  the  prophecy  of  al-Muyirb,  b.  Salid, 
a  client  of  the  Banu  Bajila  in  Kufa,  the  same  whom  Khalid  b. 
'Abdallah  al-Kasri  burned  at  the  stake.  This  Mugira  —  may 
Allah  curse  him  !  —  used  to  maintain  that  *the  object  of  his  wor- 
ship1 had  the  shape  of  a  man  with  a  crown  on  his  head  and  that 
his  limbs  were  according  to  the  number  of  the  letters  of  the 
alphabet,  the  Alif,  for  instance,  corresponding  with  the  thighs, 
*and  similar  things,  for  which  no  tongue  of  one  who  belongs  to 
any  branch  of  religion  will  ever  loosen  itself.2  Allah  is  mightily 
exalted  above  the  assumptions  of  the  Unbelievers  !  He  —  Allah 
curse  him  !  —  also  maintained  that  *the  object  of  his  worship,3 
when  intending  to  create  the  world/  uttered  his  Greatest  Name 
which5  fell  down  on  his  crown.  Then  he  wrote  down  with  his 
finger  [on  his  palm]6  the  actions  of  men,  both  the  good  and  the 
bad  ones.  But  when  he  beheld  the  bad  actions,  sweat  trickled 
down  from  him  on  account  of  it.7  From  this  sweat  two  lakes 
were  gathered:  one  salty  and  dark,  the  other  light  and  sweet. 
Then  he  looked  into  the  lake  and  beheld  his  shadow.8  *He 
started  to  catch  it,'  but  it  flew  away.  *At  last  he  caught  it.10 
He  plucked  out  the  eyes11  of  his  shadow  and,  grinding  them, 
created  out  of  them  the  sun12  and  another  sun.  He  created  the 
Infidels  out  of  the  salty  lake  and  the  Faithful  out  of  the  sweet 
lake,  with  an  ample  mixture  of  both.  One  of  his  beliefs  also 

1  a!J%  "  his  Lord."    See  Comm. 

2  ^Lol  KAjUCs!  ,jL»J  LJ  yjJLkJLj  V  Lo  JLJ3  JULJ.  "and  besides 

'this  (things)  which  to  record  no  tongue  will  loosen  itself  for  us  in  any 
way." 

3  SJ\  "  his  Lord." 

4  Ed.  Y.  (JjJLiLl  ,  lit.  "the  creation."    L.  Br.  kLit  "  Paradise." 


6  +  sbj  "flew  and." 


6  L.  Br.  +»jal*£.  ;  Ed.  Y.  om.  '  Om.  xj  . 

8  Ed.  aLjLb  "darkness."    Y.  x^JLJC,  L.  Br.  (and  Ed.  next  line)  cor- 

rectly &JLib  . 

9  Br.  om.,  apparently  through  oversight. 

10  5tXi»U  &$N  3(j  .  u  Incorrectly  ^jyLxC  . 
13  +    ^fljL    "  and  the  moon."    See  Comm. 


60  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

was  that  the  prophets  never  differed  in  anything  concerning  the 
religious  laws.  It  has  been  assumed  that  Jabir  b.  Yazid  al- 
Ju'fi,  the  same  who  received  traditions  from  ash-Shu  'bl,  was 
the  successor  of  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'id,1  when  Khalid  *b.  'Abdallah 
al-Kasri2  had  burned  him.  When  Jabir  died,  he  was  succeeded* 
by  Bekr  al-A'war  (the  Blind)  al-Hijri,  and  when  he  (too)  died, 
they  transferred  the  leadership  to  'Abdallah,  the  son  of  al- 
Mugira,  their  above-mentioned  head.4  They  existed  in  Kufa  in 
compact  numbers.  The  last  opinions  at  which  al-Mugira  b. 
Sa'id  arrived  were  his  belief  in  the  Imamate  of  Muhammed  b. 
[185]  'Abdallah  b.  al-Hasan  b.  al-Hasan5  and  the  prohibition  of 
the  water  of  the  Euphrates  and  of  any6  river,  well7  or  cistern, 
into  which,  anything  unclean  has  fallen.  Under  these  circum- 
stances those  who  advocated8  the  Imamate  of  the  descendants  of 
al-Husein9  held  themselves  aloof  from  him. 

One  section  believed  in  the  prophecy  of  Baydn  b.  >'<////  v///, 
Tamimite  by  descent.  Khalid  b.  'Abdallah  al-Kasri  burned  him 
together  with  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'id  on  the  same  day.  Al-Mugira 
b.  Sa'id  shrank  in  a  most  cowardly  manner  from  clasping  the  bun- 
dle of  wood,10  so  that  he  had  to  be  tied  to  it  by  force.  Bay  an  b. 
Sam'an,  on  the  contrary,  ran  to  the  bundle  and  clasped  it  without 
flinching  and  without  showing  any  sign  of  fear.  Then  Khalid 
said  to  both  their  followers  :  "In  everything,  indeed,  you  behave 
like  lunatics.  This  one  ought  to  have  been  your11  head,  not  that 


"  over  his  companions." 

2  Om.                   3  +*.^.x3  "  among  them."  4  Om. 

5  Ed.  and  Codd.  al-Husein.—  L.  Br.  +  joU«J.  (Br.  LV+<°.)      V. 

b>     '-«Le.       J^XioiJl  v?"9  *oL&  "  who  then 


was  alive,  a  youth  of  a  little  over  twenty.     Al-Mugira  advocated  the  pro- 
hibition." 

6  Ed.  Y.  +*\uo  "water  of."    It  is  most  probably  a  repetition  of  the 
word  before.  7  Om. 


Ji  s*  ^  ** 

JL>  ..wo  Jo  aJL*  ^VAAJ  .        9  Al-Hasan. 


reed."—  +  \^aJuo    Lcy>       V        "and  was  exceedingly 
terrified." 

their." 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  61 

fool.1  Bayan  b.  Sam'an,  Allah3  curse  him,  maintained  that  God 
would  entirely  decay,  excepting  only  his  countenance.  This 
lunatic  actually  thought  that  he  was  supported  in  this  his  heresy 
by  the  saying  of  Allah:  "Every  creation  that  is  on  it  is  subject 
to  decay,  and  remain  will  only  the  countenance  of  your  Lord."3 
But  had  he  only  possessed  an  ounce  of  reason  or  understanding, 
then  he  would  have  known  that  Allah's  statement  about  decay 
only  refers  to  the  things  on  earth,  *in  agreement  with  the  text 
of  the  truthful  saying:4  "Every  creation  that  is  on  it  is  subject 
to  decay."  But  Allah  does  not  attribute  decay  to  *that  which 
is  not  on  earth.5  Allah's  countenance  is  surely  Allah,6  not  a 
thing  different  from  him.7  *Far  be  it  from  Allah  that  division 
and  fraction  should  be  attributed  to  him.8  This  is  only  the 
attribute  of  the  created,  limited  beings,  but  not  the  attribute  of 
one  who  is  not9  limited10  and  has  no  equal.11  He  —  Allah  curse 
him  !  —  also  maintained  that  it  was  he13  who  was  meant  by  the  saying 
of  Allah:  "  This  is  an  illustration  (bayan)  for  mankind."13  *He 
also  adhered  to  the  doctrine14  that  the  Imam  was  [Abu]15  Hashim 
'Abdallah  b.  Muhammed  *b.  al-Hanafiyya16  and  that  then  it  (the 
Imamate)  passed  over  to  all  the  other  descendants  of  'All.17 

1  L.  J^cLftJ!   (Br.  JuLfcJt)  "coward." 

2  L.  om. 

3  "glorious  and  honorable."—  Koran  LV,  26-27. 


;  JlJj  wxc..  6  +  au*£J  "himself." 

'  -i-  \'-*g  fr  ^/.  x^.vl^.  V.  J^—*-;  yfc  "  nor  an  organ,  or  a  limb." 

"olv^^j  (j^-AJujJU  oL^jJ  ,jl  (Br.  +,j-c)   jL*3'- 

9  Y.  om.  10  L.   Ji^.  ,  Br.  ^A~>.  "  concealed  "? 

f-  °  ' 
11  +  »..aS^  3.  "  and  no  match."         14  +»^  • 

*  '  - 

13  +/5cX#5  "and  guidance."—  Koran  III,  132. 

14  Jjb  jjtf.  .  15  Ed.  Y.  om. 
16  b.  'Ali  b.  A.  T. 

11  4-  ,v4.Juo  LgJ  ^>JLo  .^.A  "  those  of  them  who  were  fit  for  it."  . 


62  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 


A  section  of  them  believed  in  the  prophecy  of 
Manstir  al-Mustanir'al-'Ijli  (of  the  Banu  'Ijl)3,  the  same  whose 
nickname  was  "al-Kisf"4  (the  Fragment).  He  claimed5  that 
he  was  meant  by  the  saying  of  Allah  :  "If  they  should  see  a 
fragment  of  the  heaven  falling  down."6  He  was  crucified  by 
Yusuf  b.  'Omar  in  Kufa.  He  also  —  Allah7  curse  him!  —  pre- 
tended that  he  was  lifted  up  to  heaven  and  that  Allah,  patting 
him  on  his  head  with  his  hand,  said  to  him:  "  Go  forth,  [o]  my 
child,8  and  deliver  (a  message)  from  me."9  The  oath  of  his 
followers  was  :  "  No,  by  the  Word  !"  He  also  —  Allah  curst-  him  !  — 
maintained  that  the  first  beings10  created  by  Allah  were  'Isa  b. 
Haryam  and  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib.  He  held  the  belief  in  the  unin- 
terrupted succession  of  apostles.  He  permitted  forbidden  things, 
viz.  adultery,  wine,  (the  eating  of)  dead  animals,11  swine  and 
blood,  maintaining  that  they  were  nothing  but  proper  names 
of  men,  —  the  bulk  of  the  Rawafid  are  still  of  the  same  opinion 
to-day.  He  abolished  the  obligatory  prayei-s,  alms,  fasts"  and 
pilgrimage.  His  followers  were  all  stranglers  and  skull  breakers, 
just  as  were  the  followers  of  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'id.  Their  reason 
for  this  was  that  they  did  not  permit  the  iise  of  arms  before  he 
whom  they  expected  would  come  forth.  They  consequently  killed 
the  people  only  by  means  of  strangling  and  breaking  the  skull, 

1  Ed.  Y.  om. 
9  Ed.  r*Z~*J\  . 

3  L.  +  auj-Lo  ;  Br.  auxxJ-o  =  ixjuLfl  or    aJuuJLo  by  (his)  descent. 

4  Br.  oLciJOL?  . 

8  Ed.  erroneously  JUb  instead  of  J*Jb  . 

6        _  5  I  *     . 

6  +*«j«»  w>L^  '«~VV.  "tbey   would  say:  it  is  a  thick  cloud."  — 
Koran  LII,  44. 

I  Br.  om. 

55  "^  9     I  I 

8  —  o  L>  ,  probably  more  correct  than  Ed.  Y.      Li!  . 

9  Cf.  Koran  V,  71. 

10  Ed.  Y.  ^o  ;  L.  Br.  Lo  "  things." 

II  +*^}  '•  the  meat  of." 
15  Sing. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  63 

while  the  Khashabiyya  confined  themselves  to  wooden  arms.1 
Hisham  b.  al-Hakam  the  Rafidite*  in  his  book,  known  under  the 
title  "  al-Mizan  "  (the  Balance),  —  he  knew  them  better  than 
anyone  else,  because  he  was  their  neighbor  in  Kufa  and  their 
*associate  in  doctrine3  —  mentions  that  the  Kisfiyya  particularly4 
kill  *both  their  adherents5  and  opponents  saying:  "We  (only) 
hurry6  the  Faithful  to  Paradise  and7  the  Infidels  to  Hell." 
After  the  death  of  *Abti  Mansur8  they  used  to  deliver  a  fifth  of 
the  goods  taken  away  from  those  [186]  they  killed  by  strangling 
[or  breaking  their  skulls]9  to  al-Husein,  I0  the  son  of  Abu  Mansur. 

1  The  last  two  sentences  more  explicit  in  L.  Br.  |V#sL*iAJ>l  ,1 
.    v>~0jj!j     (Br. 


* 
jJi      -    ^J5      *^*  '*-^     ^     ^Lo! 


j«  "  The  reason  for  their  confining  themselves  to  strangling 
and  skull  breaking  and  the  Keisaniyya  confining  themselves  to  fighting 
with  wooden  arms  only,  is  that  they  do  not  allow  to  carry  any  iron 
weapon  whatsoever,  even  if  they  be  killed,  until  he  whom  they  expect 
will  come  forth,  when  they  will  again  carry  arms.  They  therefore  kill 
only  by  means  of  strangling  and  breaking  the  skull  with  stones  and 
wooden  arms." 


3  Ed.  Y.  ^JC  tX        3    f*°;^  •—  L-  Br- 

"  and  their  twinbrother  as  regards  the  pretensions  of  the  Shi'ites" 

4  +ab^».-v3-A-»JI  *«JC«  "  they  are  the  Manstiriyya." 

6  +*_$  AX    aJUcis    ^c  NtXJs'    "f*   JL^!^   J^"  "every  one  whom  they 

are  able  to  kill,  (both  those  belonging)  to  them." 

^ri    "it  is  necessary  that  we  should  hurry." 
"  and  that  we  should  hurry." 
8  Y.  aZ-Mansur.—  L.  Br.  +aUxJ  "  (Allah)  curse  him  !" 
!  om.  in  Ed.  Y. 


>  • 

10  Ed.  Y.  al-Hasan. 


64  Z  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

His  followers  were  divided  into  two  sections:1  one  maintaining 
that  after5  Muhamrned  b.  'Alt  b.  al-Husein3  the  Iniamate4 
passed  over  to  Muhammed  b.  'Abdallahb.  al-Hasanb.  al-Hasan;b 
the  other  maintaining  (that  it  passed  over)  to  *Abu  Mansur6  al- 
Kisf  and  would  never  return  to  the  descendants  of  'Ali. 

One  section7  believed  in  the  prophecy  of  Jiazig,*  the  weaver, 
in  Kufa.  That  this  claim  (to  prophecy)  should  have  been  raised9 
by  them  in  favor  of  a  weaver  is  strange10  uideed!  *Another 
section  believed  in  the  prophecy  of  Jfu'ammar,  the  corndealer, 
in  Kufa.11  Another  section  believed  in  the  prophecy  of  '  Omeir 
at-Tabban12  (the  strawdealer)  in  Kufa.  He  was  —  Allah13  curse 
him  —  in  the  habit  of  saying  to  his  followers:  "  If  I  wanted  to 
turn  this  straw  into  pure  gold,  I  could  do  it."  He  presented 
himself  before  Khalid14  b.  'Abdallah  al-Kasri  and  courageously15 


>  "  the  death  of." 

3  Ed.  Y.  al-Hasan. 

4  Ed.  Y.  erroneously  *LoVI  instead  of  x/ 
6  Ed.  al-Husein. 

6  L.  Br.  al-M.;  Ed.  Y.  Abu  al-M. 
1  +"o/  the  Khattdbiyya." 


8  L.  Joj         «jo  ;  Br. 

9  Ed.  Y.    »•>.  .—  L.  Br.  i_4.wX?  =  ^-i^Jo  "  revealed  itself." 

10  Ed.   ioj^kJ;  Br.  aub^iiJt,  L.  &AJ».kJ;  Y.  XftJ^ioJ  .—  oL:  \Je 
"  strange"  (Lane).  —  See  p.  57,  note  17. 


11  Only  in  Ed.  and  A.     Y.  om.     L.  Br.  instead      -.  ^     JLaSb    onlJ9« 

"  another  group  of  the 


Khatjdbiyya  believed  in  the  prophecy  of  Sari  al-Aksam  in  Kufa."    See 
Comm. 

14  ^jUcxJl  .  1S  Om. 

14  +b.  al-Walid,  apparently  owing  to  a  confusion  with  Khalid  b.  al- 
Walid,    "the  sword  of    Allah,"   the  famous  general  under  the  first 
caliphs. 

15  Om.  jJLsii. 


Vol.  xxviii.J       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  65 

denounced  him.  Khalid  then  gave  orders  to  execute  him  and 
he  was  killed,  in  addition  to  the  curse  of  Allah.1  *These  five 
sects  all  belong  to  the  sects  of  the  Khattabiyya.3 

A  section  of  (our)  ancients,3  the  partisans  of  the  Abbasides, 
believed  in  the  prophecy  of  'Ammar,  *with  the  nickname 
Khiddsh."  Asad  b.  'Abdallah,  the  brother  of  Khalid  b.  'Abdal- 
lah *al-Kasri,  6  got  hold  of  him  and  killed  him,  in  addition  to  the 
curse  of  Allah.6 

2.  The  second  party  among  the  sects  of  the  Extremists  is 
that  which  attributes  divinity  to  anyone  beside  Allah. 

The  first  of  them  were  certain  people  among  the  adherents  of 
'•Abdallah  b.  Sabd  the  Himyarite,  may  Allah  curse  him!7 
They  came  to  'All  b.  Abi  Talib  and  said8  in  his  face:  "  Thou 

'  ^  ° 

1  +k>L£.»J!  (jw-AJ}  "and  an    unhappy  couch  shall  it  be."    Koran  II, 

202. 

2  aJU!  xAxJ  ^UasLl     jl  vLsft  ^  p^Is"  *Vjl#  ^jl^  'fall  these 
belong  to  the  followers  of  Abu'l-Kha^tab,  Allah  curse  him  !  —  L.  Br.  + 


"  Among  those  who  imitated  his  example  in  claiming 
prophecy  was  the  scoundrel  who  arose  among  the  Banu  'l-lUleis  b.  Dam- 
dam  b.  'Adi  b.  Jandb  of  the  Kelb  (and)  who  was  burned  in  his  battle 
with  (?)  Tugj,  also  the  leader  of  the  Zenj  who  rose  in  Kufa,—Allah  curse 
him  !  They  both  pretended  to  be  'Alides  and  they  were  both  liars  in  this 
claim."  See  Comm. 


3L.    Br.    JotjV!    "the  ancients."—  Ed.  Y.  viJLS        "those,"  does  not 
seem  to  convey  a  proper  meaning. 

4  ,  £!*.=».      jU    _AJC*J!  "  with  the  Kunya  AbH  Khirdsh." 

u^y       (S~    '   o 

5  Om.  here  and  add  after  "Asad  b.  'Abdallah."  —  \-"in  KhordsAn.'1 

J,^  j-C  "and  his  anger." 

°  * 


w  *• 

7  L.  om.  "  Allah."—  L.  Br.  -faLoL*-wwJ!  ^.^ujJ^i    X^JI.   "  t  o  whom   the 
Sabd'iyya  trace  their  origin." 

8  +xJ  "to  him." 

VOL.  xxvm.  5 


66  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

art  he!"  He  asked  them  "Who  is  he?"  and  they  answered 
"  Thou  art  Allah."  'All,  however,  took  the  matter  very  seriously 
and  gave  orders  to  kindle  a  fire  and  he  burned  them  in  it. 
While  they  were  being  thrown  into  the  fire,  they  started  shout- 
ing: "Now  we  feel  certain  that  he  is  'Allah.  For  none  but 
Allah  punishes  by  fire."2  Regarding  this  (incident)  he3  said: 

[Rajaz]   "When    I    saw    that   the   matter  became  an  illegal 

matter, 

I  kindled  a  fire  and  called  Kanbar." 

By  Kanbar  he  refers  to  his  slave,  the  same  who  was  charged 
with  throwing  them*  into  the  fire.4  —  Let  us  seek  refuge  in  Allah 
from  being  led  into  temptation  through  a  created  being  and  a 
created  being  from  being  led  into  temptation  through  us,  be  it 
in  a  great  or  small  (thing).  For  the  temptation  of  Abu  '1-Hasan 
(i.  e.  'All)  in  the  midst  of  his  followers  is  like  the  temptation  of 
'Isa5  in  the  midst  of  his  followers,  the  Apostles. 

"This  sect  still  subsists  today,  (nay),  is  even  increasing  and 
embraces  large  numbers.  They  are  called  the  '•Ulydniyya.' 
One  of  them  was  Ishak  b.  Muhammed  an-Nakha'i  (of  the  Band 
an-Nakha'),  al-Ahmar  (the  Red),  of  Kufa,  who  was  one  of  their 
dogmatists.  He  wrote  a  book  on  this  subject  under  'the  title 
"as-Sirat"  (the  Path).  He  was  refuted8  by  al-Bhnki  (?)9  and 
al-Fayyad  *as  regards  (his  views)  mentioned  above.10  *They 
maintain  that  Muhammed  is  the  Apostle  of  'Ali. 


;  L.  oo!  viLt  "  thatthou  art." 

,.»..£  xJLM  ^Lxi'  "Allah  is  exalted  above  their  unbelief  ." 

yb  '"All." 
4Om. 

5  Ed.  Y.  +  ivA-*'}  ^^-^  *-Ut  (J^°  >  the  formula  otherwise  used  only 
after  the  mention  of  the  Prophet.  —  L.  Br.  the  same  formula  after  "  the 
Apostles." 

6  +  Says  Abu  Muhammed. 

"  Br.  auoLuLxJI  .     See  Comm. 

8  Ed.  Y.  *jJ*e  (jdAJ  (refuter,  Dozy).     L.  JUOAJ  ,  Br.  auoib  ,  probably 

'  ^  ^  — 
meant  i<^ajfc  . 

9  Ed.   Y.    here   and   later      -.O-  g-A.M  ;    Br.    twice    jjCx^xJI  ,  L.  here 
^Xx^xJ!  ,  later    jCi^xJI  .  Mas'udi,  Murtijad-Dahab,  iii,  265 

10  Om.—  +  b.  'AH. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  67 

A  group  of  Shi'ites,  known  as  the  Muhammadiyya,  main- 
tains1 that  Muhammad  is  Allah,  —  but  Allah  is  exalted  above 
their  unbelief.  To  these  belonged  al-Bhnki  and  al-Fayyad  *  b. 
'All.2  The  latter  composed  a  book  on  this  topic,  which  he 
called  "al-Kustas"3  (the  Balance).  His  father  was  the  well- 
known  Katib,  who  first  occupied  this  post  under  '  Abdallah  b. 
Kandaj,  when  the  latter  was  Wali,4  then5  under  the  Commander 
of  the  Faithful,  al-Mu'tadid.6  It  was  with  reference  to  him 
that  al-Buhturi  composed  the  well-known7  poem,  of  which  the 
beginning  runs  thus: 

[Khafif]  Far  from  the  inhabitant8  of  Guweir9  is 

[his  (present)  place  of  visitation10. 
The  (long)  travels  have  emaciated  him.     But11 

[Allah  is  his  patron.12 

[187]  The  said  al-Fayyad,  —  Allah  curse  him!  —  was  killed  by  al- 
Kasim  b.  'Abdallah13  b.  Suleiman  b.  Wahb,  because  he  was 
among  those  who  denounced  the  latter  in  the  days  of  al-Mu'ta- 
did. The  story*  is  well  known. 

1  In  L.  Br.  corrupt  probably  owing  to  a  homoioteleuton  :  ,.»»J,JLj« 
IcX+iS?  (jl  (J.?V^  ^^  **£*"-N  (Br-  " 

Read 


Vy**)    '<X»^?]    (jf    ,jJ..A.>. 


-  Om.—  +  ^j  tX*^?  jj-?  (^t  ^.J  u^^1^'  y°j  wl  b^5J  ^j  JJU! 

..oLxAJ!  "  mentioned  just  now.    It  is  al-Fayydd  b.  'Att  b.  Muhammed  b. 
al-Fayy&d." 

3  Ed.  Br.  ^Ik-wJiJ!  ;  Y.  ^lU^bM'  ;  L.    .JflkujJ!  (sic). 

*  +5r.5'r4.|  "  over  Mesopotamia." 

he  was  Katib." 


6  L.  om.  "  Om. 


8  L.  Br.    -JL^nw  "inhabitants."    Buhturi,  Divan  (ed.  Constantinople, 
1300  H.)  ii,  86  as  Ed. 

9  Ed.  Y.    L.  /JjJi-M  .—  Br.  and  Buhturi  as  above. 

10  Ed.  Y.  SstyX  ;  L.  Br.  and  Buht.  s«tyo  (pronounce  5»fCo)  . 

11  Ed.  and  Codd.     ;  Buht.  o  . 


15  Ed.  Y.  jj.la.  ;  L.  Br.  and  Buht.  s.U*  (=°»L 
»  'Ubeidallah. 


68  Z  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

Another  section  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Adam  and  the 
prophets1  after  him,  prophet  after  prophet,  down  to  Muhammed, 
then  in  the  divinity  of  'All,  then  in  the  divinity  of  al-Hasan, 
then3  al-Husein,  [then  'All  b.  al-Husein]  ;3  then  Muhammed  b. 
'All,  then  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed,  and  here  they  stopped.  The 
Khattabiyya  one  day  publicly  proclaimed  this  belief  in  Kufa, 
when  'Isab.  Musab.  Muhammed  b.  Alib.  'Abdallah  b.  al-'Abbas 
was  Wali.4  They  came  out  in  the  middle  of  the  day  in  large 
crowds,  attired  in  belts  and  cloaks  like  pilgrims,  and  shouting 
at  the  top  of  their  voices:  "With  thee,  o  Ja'far!  with  thee,  o 
Ja'far!  "  6Ibn  'Ayash  and  others  say:  "It  is,  as  if  I  saw  them 
(as  they  were)  that  day."  Isa  b.  Musa  encountered  them  and 
they  fought  against  him.  But  he  killed  them  and  exterminated 
them. 

Then  another  section  enlarged  upon  the  above-mentioned 
doctrine  and  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Muhammed  b.  IsmtVil 
b.  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed.  These  were  the  KarmaticDt*.  Anion<; 
the  latter  were  some  who  believed  in  the  divinity  of  *Aln"i 
Sa'&l  al-Hasan  b.  Bahrdm  al-Jannabi6  and  his  sons  after  him. 
*Some  of  them  believed  in  the  divinity7  of  Abti,  '/-A'//'*////  </<>- 
X<tj)dr,  who  rose  in  Yemen  in  the  lands  of  the  Banu  Hamdan  and 
was  called  al-Mansur.8 


L.  Br.  om.  by  oversight. 

2  Here  and  before  each  following  name  +  aUJfiVb  • 

3  Ed.  om.  4  +  "  of  Kufa."  5  +  "  AM  Bekr." 
•  L.  Br.  (Br.  ^U^t)  ^UsU  <Xuu-  .     Ed.  Y. 

^1x4-1  p'j-g-?  •     See  Comin. 

7  L.   Br.   instead  xx#YLj.     -jLg^oV    ***$  Xx^YLu  "and  in    the 
divinity  of  Ksr  (?)  of  Isfahan  and  in  the  divinity." 


} 

He-Allah 

curse  him  !  —  used  to  conceal  his  name.    They  say,  his  name  was  al-Husein 
b.   Faraj  b.   Haushab.     His  residence  was  in  Ktifa.     Another  group 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  69 

Another  section  of  them  believed  in  the  divinity  of  '  Ubeidallah, 
then  of  those  of  his  descendants  who  ruled  after  him  until  this 
day. 

One  group  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Abu'l-Khattab  Muham- 
med  b.  Abi  Zeinab,  a  client  of  the  Banu  Asad  in  Kufa.  Their 
number  grew  so  large  that  it  exceeded  the  thousands.  They 
said:  "he1  is  a  god,  and  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed  is  a  god.  But 
Abu'l-Khattab  is  greater  than  the  other."  They  used  to  say3: 
"all  the  descendants  of  al-Hasan  [and  al-Husein]3  are  the  sons 
and  favorites4  of  Allah."  They  believed  that  they  would 
not  die,  but  would  be  lifted  up  to  heaven.  The  Sheikh  whom 
you  see  (now),  affected  the  likeness  with  this  one  before  the 
people.5 

Then  one  group  of  them  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Jfu'ammar, 
a  corndealer  in  Kufa,  whom  they  worshipped.  *He  wTas  one 
of  the  followers  of  Abu'l-Khattab,  may  Allah  curse  them  all!' 

Another  group  believed  in  the  divinity  of  al-Husein7  b. 
Mansur  [al-JlalldjY,  a  dresser  of  cotton,  who  was  crucified  in 
Bagdad  through  the  efforts  of  the  Vizier  "Hamid  b.  al-'  Abbas,  — 
may  Allah  have  mercy  on  him!  —  in  the  days  of  al-Muktadir. 

Another  group  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Muhammed  b.  'All 
b.  ash-Shalmagan,10  the  Katib,11  who  was  killed  in  Bagdad  in 

believed  in  the  divinity  of  'Alt  b.  al-Fadl  b.  Yazid,  a  client  of  the  Band 
Ziydd,  who  traced  his  genealogy  to  Abti  Sufydn,  who  rose  in  Janad  and 
in  the  lands  of  the  Du-Mandkh  in  Yemen.  Another  group  believed  in 
the  divinity  of  al-Bawdri,  who  rose  in  Sawdd." 

1  |  joe  "  this  one."  2  +(jf  "that." 

3  Ed.  and  Codd.  om.     See  Comm. 
- 


Om. 

(Br.  !<X$j)  <iiJjo  (j*lxJ!  tj<£.  (Br.  auuio,  L.  unp.) 

"the  mad  Sheikh."  —  The  translation  of  this  phrase  is  not  cer- 

tain.    See  Comm.. 

6  Om.  '  Ed.  Y.  al-Hasan. 

8  Ed.  Y.  om.  »  +Ibn. 

10  Ed.   A.        L»4-Lv*JI  ,  Y.  J   scratched  out,   L.   Br.  here  and  later 
See  Comm. 


11  +(Br.  unp.)  tXi'!«_aJ!  ,-vjL:  O>.JU-H  "  known  as  Ibn  al-Fardkid." 
See  Comm. 


70  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

the  days  of  ar-Radi.  *He  ordered  those  of  his  followers  who 
were  of  higher  attainments  to  have  criminal  intercourse  with 
him,1  so  as  to  make  the  Light  penetrate  into  him. 

All  these  sects  advocate  the  communism  of  wives.3 

Another  group  of  them  believed  in  the  divinity  of  X/iff><i*h,3 
who  is  still  alive  and  resides4  in  Basra  in  our  own  time. 

Another  group  of  them  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Abii 
Muslim  as-Siraj.  *Then  one  group  of  these  believed5  -in  the 
divinity  of6  al-Mukanna1-  al-A'war  (the  Blind),  the  fuller,  who 
arose7  to  revenge  Abu  Muslim.  *  The  name  of  this  fuller  was 
Hashim.8  He  was  killed  —  may  Allah  curse  him!  —  in  the  days 
of  al-Mansur. 

The  Rawandiyya9  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Abu  JaM'ar'" 
al-Mansttr.  They  professed  it  publicly.  *But  al-Mansur  came 
out  and  killed  them  and  wiped  them  out.11 

£•  C-  P" 

1  (tfJ^V  (V-g"*"*  J^iist  ^>-^?  (jb  KJ&Lo!    -x>Lj  (jL$j  "  Be  used  to 

order  his  followers  that  the  more  excellent  one  of  them  should  have  crim- 
inal intercourse  with  the  inferior  one."  This  is  most  probably  correct. 

Jydl  J^c.  Ja 


(Codd.  JUlt)  J 

(Br.  <XliS?)  f\j=?\  ^  ^x**^.!   ^SjJi  o^o  &Jo! 


-x          r.+v^  l^i   ^jl  ^t  »iJU3 

"Among  those  who  were  then  killed  because  they  believed  in  the 

divinity  of  this  cursed  Ibn  ash-Shalmagdn  was  the  Vizier  al-Husein  b. 
'Ubeidallah  b.  Suleiman  b.  Wahb  b.  Sa'id,  called  -Amid  ad-Duula 
(Pillar  of  the  Dynasty),  with  the  nickname  Abu'l  Jamal  (Father  of  Ele- 
gance). His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  the  Vizier  al-Husein  b.  al- 
Jarah  (Br.  Mkhld).—  Together  with  him  was  killed  for  the  same  reason 
Ibn  Abi  'Aun  (Br.  +the  Katib).  Ar-Radi  ordered  their  execution  on 
account  of  it.  " 

3  Ed.  Y.  U^IA^U  ;  L.  Br.  unp.     The  pronunciation  is  uncertain. 

4  Ed.  misprint  *-oU^  •  5  Only  ^.j  . 

6  +Hdshim.  '  +"inMerv."  s  Om. 

»  Ed.  Y.  ioJ>i  Jl  .L.  Br.,  kjjojj.     See  Comm. 


10  +  "  the  Commander  of  the  Faithful." 


11  xJJ)  JUxJ      !  virtixki        1         -xl    au*AJo 


"  he  himself  came  out  and  ordered  to  kill  them.     They  were  all  killed, 
in  addition  to  the  curse  of  Allah." 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  71 

Another  group  of  them  believed  in  the  divinity  of  'Abdallah 
b.  al-Harith1  of  the  Band  Kinda2  in  Kufa,  whom  they  wor- 
shipped. He  believed  in  the  Transmigration  of  Souls.  He 
imposed  upon  them3  seventeen4  prayers  (every)  day  and 
night,  b  each  prayer  having  fifteen8  "bows."  Later,  hoAvever, 
[188],  one  of  the  dogmatists  of  the  Sufriyya  having  argued  with 
him  and  having  clearly  put  forth  the  arguments  for  the  (true) 
religion,7  he  became  a  Muslim8  and  his  Islam  was  sound.  He 
renounced  all  the  beliefs  he  had  held  previously.  He  informed 
his  followers  of  it  *and  openly  showed  his  repentance.9  There- 
upon all  his  followers  *who  had  worshipped  him  and  had  pro- 
fessed his  divinity  withdrew  from  him.  They  cursed  him  and 
deserted  him,10  and  they  all  returned  to  the  belief  in  the  Imamate 
of  'Abdallah  b.  Mu'awiya  b.  'Abdallah  b.  Ja'far  b.  Abi  Talib. 
'Abdallah  b.  al-Harith,  however,  persevered  *in  Islam  and11  in 
the  doctrine  of  the  Sufriyya  till  he  died.  *  His  party  is  still 
known  today  as  the  Kharbiyya.1* 

To  the  Saba'iyya,18  who  profess  the  divinity  of  'Ali,  belongs 
a  party'4  known  as  the  Nuseiriyya.  lf'  They  got  hold  in  our  own 


1  L.   and  Ed.   ii,   115  <ijy!  ;    Br.  v^jl  (with  a  soft  _  under  the 

line).     Ed.   Y.  here  and  later  ^  *r=*\  •     See  Comm. 
*  ' 


"by  descent." 

"  upon  his  followers." 

4  Ed.  Y.  19.     See  Comm. 

6  L.  every  day  (Br.  +and  night). 

S  -M*£-    ,)))  4  •"*•  :  Ed.  Y.    JM*£.    X  ,w.^r>-  . 

7  "  the  religion  of  Islam." 

8  -t-SvlxX^lj  "  by  his  own  free  will." 
9Om. 

10  Differently  worded  a«.j  jjCr  XxAicVLj  ,  i«  vAJ.  xj .  JCAJU  Ljl 
>  •  •  l— '.77   ••>      >/      •    ••  j 


11  Om.  probably  owing  to  homoioteleuton. 

19  (sic)  &JO.J.L  (jjivAJ  j^jJ!  J!  |v#j  after  "Ja'far  b.  Abi  Talib." 

13  Ed.  Y.  x.xjL*J!  ;  L.  Br.  aujL^JI  .    See  Comm. 


14  Ed.  misprint  iLajLb.  instead  of  aLaS 

15  Ed.  Y.  RjaJI  ;  L.  xj-o-J!  ;  Br.  A.   jbaxjf  .     See  Comm. 


72  Z  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

time  *of  the  army  of  Urdunn  in  Palestine  and  especially  of  the 
city  of  Tiberias.  '  It  is  one  of  their  tenets  to  curse2  Fatima,  the 
daughter  of  the  Apostle  of  Allah,  and  to  curse  al-Hasan  and  al- 
Husein,  the  sons  of  'All,  to  denounce  them  in  a  most  detestable 
manner,3  to  charge  them  with  every  possible  calamity  and  to 
assert  positively  that  she  and  her  two  sons—  may  Allah  be 
pleased  with  them  and  curse  their  haters  !  —  were  devils  who 
assumed  the  shape  of  human  beings.4  As  regards  their  opinion 
about  'Abderrahman5  b.  Muljam  al-Muradi  (of  the  Bantl 
Murad),6  the  murderer  of  'All  —  may  Allah  be  pleased  with  him7 
and  may  the  curse  of  Allah  (rest)  upon  Ibn  Muljam  J^these 
(people)  maintain  *that  'Abderrahman  b.  Muljam  al-Muradi8  is 
the  most  excellent  of  all  the  people  of  the  earth  and  the  most 
honored9  of  them  in  the  future  world,  because  he  purified10  the 
spirit  of  the  Deity  from  what  had  stuck  to  it  of  the  darkness 
and  turbidity11  of  the  body.  Marvel  ye  at  this  madness  and  ask 
ye  of  Allah  deliverance  from  the  affliction  of  this  and  the  future 
world,  for  it  is  in  his  hands,  not  in  anyone  else's.  May  Allah 
make  our  portion  of  it  most  plentiful  ! 

*Know  ye  that  among  all  those  that  count  themselves  to  the  relig- 
ion of  Islam,  while  adhering  to  these  abominable  heterodoxies,  '* 


J  c^0?  "one   of   their  disgraceful  tenets  is  the 
denouncing."    Instead  of  aJ«j'  /.wo*  (,jk>)VI  L-  blank. 


4  Instead  of  (jujI  L-  ^.A*!  .  Br.  (j>t  . 
',  L.  'Abdallah.  «  Om. 


7  Ed.  Y.  +l>££.  (.W.C  "with  'Ali."    It  is  a  gloss  to  aLLft  which  crept 
into  the  text. 

8  Only  «j!  "that  he." 

9  A.  jV^J6^5  |  "the  most  repugnant."     Y.  5  scratched  out  and  .»  sub- 
stituted. 

10  (_>oXiOo  (imperfect  form). 

11  Br.  erroneously  5.jJOo  (  =  »*J  iXCi)  instead  of  S>tX5^  • 

^L>  erroneously  om.  ^jf)    ^j!    1,-fJLttj 


"  Know  ye  that  all  those  who  reckon  these  abominable  heterodoxies  men- 
tioned before,  viz.,  the  claim  of  Divinity,  to  the  religion  of  Islam." 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  73 

—  that  their  (vivifying)  element  are  only  the  Shi'ltes1  and 
Sufis."  For  there  are  people  among  the  Sufis  who  maintain3 
that  he  who  has  attained  the  knowledge  of  God  is  exempt  from 
the  (religious)  precepts.4  Some  of  them  add5:  "and  becomes 
united  with  the  Almighty."  We  have  been  told  that  there  is 
now  in  Nisabur  in  our  own  age  a  man,  whose  Kunya  is  Abu 
Sa'id  Abu'l-Kheir  —  thus  (two  Kunyas)  together6  —  belonging  to 
the  Sufis.  Sometime  he  dresses  himself  in  wool7,  another  time 
he  dresses  himself  in  silk8  which  is  forbidden  to  men.  Now  he 
prays  thousand  "  bows"  on  one  day,  now9  he  recites  neither  the 
obligatory  nor  the  voluntary  prayer.  This  is  pure  apostasy. 
Let  us  seek  refuge  in  Allah  from  error  ! 

C.    The  Imamate  of  the  'Alides. 

[Printed  Edition  (=Ed.)  IV,  pp.  92-94  ;  Codex  Leyden(=L.)  II,  fol.  87aff. 
Codex  British  Museum  (=Br.)  II,  fol.  22b  ff.  The  variants  quoted 
anonymously  are  taken  from  L.  and  Br.  and,  if  not  otherwise  stated, 
identical  in  both.] 

Those  who  maintain  that  the  Imamate  is  only  permissible  in 
the  descendants  of  'All  are  divided  into  two  parties. 

One  party  maintains  that  the  Apostle  of  Allah  put  down  a 
written  statement  concerning  'All,  viz.  that  he  was  to  be  -the 

j 

the  detestable."    Read  *juxJvJ!  "  Shi'ism." 


the  doctrine  of    the   Sufis."—  +l/:Jo 


j  ^!  JiM  j*\lb  j 

»<XwuLftJf  "for  both  parties  are  advocates  of  (allegorical)  interpretation 
and  of  giving  up  the  open  meaning  of  the  Koran  through  their  corrupt 
pretensions." 

aJLi  J«j'  ,.wO«  "  one  of  the  views  of  some  Sufis  is." 


4  kx^^XwJI    JLt-tVt  "  religious  practices." 
8  t>K  (instead  of  j|».  ). 


6  Lx/o  (L.  (jLcj^s?)  (jU-Cj-*^?  ^IjifjS'  !  jjC$e   "  thus  two  Kunyas 


joined  together."—  +  V_-JB  <X»J!    Isu^.  "  of  the  Hanafltic  school." 
1  +L.      .xicS.!  "  coarse."    Br.  erroneously  ..w**^!  "  beautiful." 


"pure." 

# 

9  L.    *  .j^  =  LXJ  «j.  "and  one  day." 


74  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

Caliph  after  him,  but  the  Companions  after  him1  unanimously 
agreed  upon  doing  wrong  to  'Alt  and  upon  keeping  to  them- 
selves the  statement  of  the  Prophet.  These  are  the  so-called2 
Rawdfid. 

The  other  party  says:  The  Prophet  never  put  down  a  written 
statement  concerning  'All.  Yet  he  was  the  most  excellent  of 
men  after  the  Apostle  of  Allah  and  worthier  of  the  command3 
than  any  of  them.  These  are  the  Zeidiyya,  who  trace  their 
origin  to'Zeid  b.  'All  b.  al-Husein  b.  'All  b.  Abi  Talib. 

Then  the  Zeidiyya  fell  asunder  into  several  sections.  One 
group  said  that4  the  Companions  did  him  wrong,  and  they 
declared  those  of  the  Companions  who  opposed  him  apostates. 
*These  are  the  Jdrudiyya. 

Another  group  maintained  that  the  Companions5  did  not  do 
him  any  wrong,  but  he  was  pleased  to  concede  his  rights  to 
Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar,  who  consequently  were  Imams  of  right 
guidance,  some  of  them  stopping  at  'Othman,  while  others 
observing  a  friendly  attitude  towards  him.  *A  number  of  peo- 
ple mention6  that  this  was  the  doctrine7  of  the  Fakih  al-Hasan 
b.  Salih  b.  Hayy  al-Hamdani  (of  the  Banu  Hamdan).8  Says  Abu 
Muhammed:  This  is  a  mistake.  *I  have  seen  in  the  book  of 
Hisham  b.  al-Hakam  the  Rafidite  of  Kufa9,  known  under  the 
title  [93]  "al-Mizan"  (the  Balance),  that  he  mentions  al-IIasan 
b.  Hayy  and  also  (states)  that  his  doctrine  was  that  the  Imamate 
was  permissible  in  all  the  descendants  of  Fihr  b.  Malik.  Says 
Abu  Muhammed:  This  is  the  only  thing  which  suits  al-Hasan10 
b.  Hayy.  For  he  was  one  of  the  Imams  of  the  (true)  religion 
and  Hisharo  b.  al-Hakam  knew  him  better  than  those  who  attribute 
to  him  other  views.  Hisham  was  his  neighbor  in  Kilfa  and 

..F-. 

1  &Ju^e  JULJ  "  after  his  death."      •  *&  ^a.Uc.  . 
3  «J^.-Lb  "  the  caliphate."  4  +  J.f"  all." 

8  Om.,  probably  owing  to  homoioteleuton. 

6 


-  . 

.^  L.  aJLs  ..wo  jtflju   r$3»  "  Some  of  those  who  write  on 
heterodox  views.'''    See  Comm. 
1  Jjj.  8  +"al-Kufi." 

9  auUT^  JU>  JLwii!JI  tWc.  jvX^I  jjj  pULtf  ^  "for  Hisham 

b.  al-Hakam,  the  pillar  of  the  Rawafi<J,  says  in  his  book." 

10  +  b.  Salih. 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  75 

knew  him  better  than  all  other  people,  having  reached  his 
generation  and  having  seen  him  personally.  (Besides),  al-Hasan 
b.  Hayy1  —  may  Allah  have  mercy  on  him!  —  quotes2  Mu'awiya 
and  Ibn  Zubeir  as  authorities,  as  is  well  known  from  his  books' 
*as  well  as  from  the  traditions  of  those  who  received  traditions 
from  him.4 

5A11  the  Zeidiyya  unanimously  agree  that  the  Imamate  is  per- 
missible in  all  the  descendants  of  'All,  as  far  as  they  go  forth 
appealing  to  the  Book  and  the  Sunna  and  carrying  (?)'  a  sword 
with  them. 

The  Rawdfid  maintain  that  the  Imamate  is  due  to  'All  him- 
self7 on  account  of  a  written  statement  concerning  him.  Then 
it  (passes  over)  to  al-Hasan,  then  to  al-Husein  —  they  claim 
another  written  statement  of  the  Prophet  concerning  these  two, 
after  their  father,  —  then  to  'All  b.  al-Husein  by  reason  of  the 
saying  of  Allah:  "And  those  who  are  related  by  blood  are  the 
nearest  of  kin  to  each  other,  according  to  the  Book  of  Allah."8 
Therefore,  they  say,  have  the  descendants  of  al-Husein9  better 
claims  than  [the  sons  of]10  his  brother.  Then  (the  Imamate 
passes  over)  to  Muhammed  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Husein,  then  to  Ja'far 
b.  Muhammed  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Husein.  This  is  the  doctrine  of  all 
their  dogmatists,  viz.  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam,  Hisham  al-Juwaliki, 
I):'i\vud  al-llawari,"  Duwud  ar-Rakki,  'Ali  b.  Mansur,  'Ali  b. 
Mitam,12  Abu  'Ali  ash-Shakkak,13  the  pupil  of  Hisham  b.  al- 
Hakam,  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far  *b.  an-Xu'man14  Sheitan  at-Tak, 
Abu  Malik15  of  Hadramaut  and  others. 

1  Salih. 

9  +«JlSLw*x>      wxj    _AA^^  "inmany  of  his  religious  responsa." 

3  Singular. 

4  cyLftxJf  cyL>!«,.J  "  through  the  traditions  of  reliable  authorities." 

5  +  Says  Abu  Muhammed. 

6  Ed.  Jw^s*..  .     L.  «Jj6.&.«  (sic).     Br.  i^a^S.  _  ;,^-     I  cannot   make 
out  what  this  reading  means.     I  propose  JL*^..  "and  carry." 

7  Om.  s  Koran  VIII,  76.—  L.  Br.  oin.  aJUf  . 

9  L.  al-Hasan.  w  Ed.  om. 

' 


12  Ed-  *"0  •   See  Comm- 

13  Ed.  Br.      lSLJ!  .     See  Comm. 

14  Om.  —  +  ^j  ^j.wX^J!  "  known  as." 

15  Ed.  and  Codd.  written 


76  1.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

The  Rawafid  then  disagreed  after  the  death  of  those  ('Alides) 
mentioned  above,  (especially)  after  the  death  of  Ja'far  b. 
Muhammed.  One  party  assigned  the  Imamate  to  his  son  Isma'il 
b.  Ja'far.1  Another  party  assigned  the  Imamate  to  his  son 
Muhammed  b.  Ja'far.  *But  these  are  few.2  *Still  another 
party  maintained  that  Ja'far  was  alive  and  that  he  has  not  died.3 

The  bulk  of  the  Rawafid,  however,  assign  the  Imamate  to  his 
son  Musa  b.  Ja'far,  then  'Ali  b.  Musa,  then  Muhammed  b.  'All  b. 
Musa,  *then  'All  b.  Muhammed  b.  'Ali  b.  Musa,4  then  Al-Hasan 
b.  'All.  *  This  al-Hasan  died  without  offspring  and  they  were 
(consequently)  divided  into  several  sections.  The  bulk  of  them 
firmly  assert  that  a  male  child  was  born  to  al-Hasan  *b.  'Ali,6 
but  he  hid  him.  Other  people,  however,  maintain  that  he  was  born 
after  al-Hasan's  death  from  a  slave  girl  of  his  by  the  name  of  Sakil, 
*and  this  is  the  view  most  commonly  accepted.'  Some  of  them 
however  say:  no,  from  a  slave  girl  of  his  by  the  name  of  Narjis. 
Still  others  say :  no,  but  from  a  slave  girl  of  his  by  the  name  of 
Sausan.  But  the  most  probable8  is  that  her  name  was  Sakll. 
For  this  Sakil  pretended  *to  be  with  child  after  al-Hasan  b. 
'All  her  master,"  and  his  estate  remained  for  this  reason  unsettled 
for  seven  years,  being  contested  by  his  brother  Ja'far  b. 
'All.10  A  number  of  leading  statesmen  took  her  part,  while 
others  took  Ja'far's  part.  Then  her  pretension*  of  pregnancy11 
exploded  and  was  annihilated,  and  Ja'far  his  brother  took 
possession  of  the  estate.  *The  death  of  this  al-Hasan  took 


^  5-^5  &*^  (Codd.   cylxa.)  "  They  claimed  that  he  was 

alive,  and  that  he  never  died.    But  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  died  during 
the  lifetime  of  his  father.    He  was  his  eldest  son." 

2  Br.  om.  3  L.  om.  owing  to  homoioteleuton. 

4  Om.  5  Muhammed. 

6  Om.  i  Om. 

j^-.VI.  "  and  the  most  commonly  accepted  among  them." 
Lo  j!  JucLa. 


/-"*••? 
"The  death  of  this  al-Hasan  took  place  in  260  in  Surr  man  Ra'a." 

Lx  . 


Vol.  xxviii.]       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  77 

place  in  260.  '  But  the  contest  of  the  Rawafid  about  this  Sakil 
and  her  claims  still  grew  (worse),  until  al-Mu'tadid  imprisoned 
her,2  twenty-odd  years  after  the  death  of  her  master.  She  had 
been  accused3  of  living  in  the  house  of  al-Hasan  b.  Ja'far  an- 
Nubakhti*  [94],  the  Katib,5  and  she  was  (actually)  found  there 
and  then  transported  to  the  castle  of  al-Mu'tadid,  where  she 
remained  until  she  died  in  the  days  of  al-Muktadir.  But  they 
(the  Rawafid)  are  still  waiting  for  a  lost  object"  since  ISO7  years. 
There  existed  in  oldeh  times  a  party  which  is  now  extinct, 
whose  head  was  al-Mukhtar  b.  Abi  'Ubeid,8  (also)  Keisan  Abu 
'Omra9  and  others.  They  were  of  the  opinion  that  after  al- 
Husein10  the  Imam  was  his  brother  Muhammed,  known  as  Ibn 
al-Hanafiyya.  To  this  party11  belonged  as-Sayyid13  al-Himyari 
and  Kutayyir  'Azza,  the  two  poets.  They  maintained  that 
M  uharnmed  b.  al-Ilanafiyya  was  alive  in  the  mountains  of  Radwa. 

1  Oru.  here. 

''  acquired  her." 

3  Ed.     _x£.   does  not  seem  to  convey  a  proper  sense.     L.  Br.  y^£  . 

See  Comm. 

4  Unpointed. 

5  +xJLcy«j  v^JiX^J!  •'  with  the  nickname  Mizmala  (?)." 

6  Oni.  yj(.*3  . 

'  Lx»Lc  ^xiL^J.  oJ.o^  *'-fr  X-jLo    tXxi  "since  hundred  and  eighty- 

odd  years."  See  Introduction,  p.  19.  —  +  \J}f£.  oLuo  ^!  ^  LvJ?)4^5-^ 
"  They  do  not  know  in  ivhich  privy  he  may  have  sunk."  Ed.  in  all 
probability  intentionally  omitted. 

8  +  _AAxJ!  "  of  the  Bauu  Takifa." 

o 

9  Ed.  incorrectly  U!  ;  L.  Br.  • 


-  is    a    gloss    to    the   first  ^«          i^o   "clearly") 

\vhich  crept  into  the  text.  —  |V$&wyC*  instead  of  the  dual  is  probably  due 
to  the  ignorance  of  the  copyist,  who  took  the  gloss  for  a  new  name. 
10  L.  al-Hasan.     Br.    JLc  ,j.*^t  (sic). 


11  XAAk     "lot." 
14  +"b.  Isma-il." 


78  I.  Friedlaender,  [1907. 

They  were    addicted  to  eccentric  ideas,  for  whose  description1 
volumes  would  not  suffice.2 

Says  Abti  Muhammed :  The  pillar  of  all  these  parties  in  their 
arguments  are  interpolated  and  forged  traditions,  the  produc- 
tion of  which  is  not  beyond  the  reach  of  those  who  have  neither 
religion  nor  shame. 

D.    Synopsis  of  the  Tenets  of  the  Shi'ites. 

[Codex  Leyden  (=L.)  II,  fol.  162b;  Codex  British  Museum  (=Br.)  II, 
125b.] 

<,-£• 

RXAXiJ'    oJUs     '  XXxXyJI     Jlfci' 

J 


.fc. 


cVI    3U    V^AX    J^Us    JU   sii        viJUj> 


JJii   (*-§-^°   <^»j'  -§-       x»l  Ia^      iu^. 

aJU!   ^J4>j    J^i   V    L»J   tybJo    Jl   l^^j 

U»    J 

!tX5>   ^     _ftJL5    NlJiJr  ,j.£.   V^    o'UIo    ,j..c    5 

-2L*/  ^4^xil.    L»^.jLs?!^   \L*.AJI*    /•^•r^ 

.xx)   JoLs    JU  s.jijL2».«  dL'3  ,^t  Lx^i  LJLs  aLx-yi 


"many." 


JLfti   v^A-XCiX^I    ItXJC  "J<   ^as  been  mentioned  that 


at-Sayyid  al-Himyari  —  Allah  curse  him!  —  was  once  asked:  "who  is  thy 
associate  in  this  doctrine  ?"  and  he  answered  :  "  a  cobbler  in  Rai  (Tehe- 
ran).'1'' See  Comm. 


Vol.  xxviii.J       The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc. 


x>  Jo  Li'  JUi^  x.i  ^  jJiJI  *iajij  "»VI  ^^J 


Synopsis  of  the  Tenets  of  the  Shi'-ites. 

The  Shi'ites  say:  'All  is  the  most  excellent  of  the  Companions 
of  the  Apostle  of  Allah  and  worthier  of  the  Imamate  than  any 
of  them.  This  having  been  settled  and  established,  one  of 
them  said:  If  the  matter  be  such,  then  the  nation  committed  a 
sin  by  nominating  Abu  Bekr,  then  'Omar,  then  'Othman.  Al- 
Ilasan  b.  Hayy1  and  the  bulk  of  the  Zeidiyya  shrank  from  this 
(consequence)  and  turned  aside  from  this  narrow  pass,  while  the 
rest  of  the  Shi'ites  rushed  into  it.  The  sinfulness  of  the  whole 
nation  having  been  established, 'one  of  them  said:  If  so,  then 
the}'  (i.  e.  the  Companions  who  submitted  to  those  nominated) 
acted  wrongly,  and  became  irreligious  and  apostates,2  since  they 
professed  something  that  is  forbidden,  and  it  is  therefore  not 
allowed  to  receive  the  religion  of  Allah  from  irreligious  men  or 
apostates.  Suleiman  b.  Jai'ir3,  at-Tammar*  and  their  followers 
flee  from  this  narrow  pass,  while  the  rest  of  the  Shi'ites  rush 
into  it.  This  having  been  settled  and  established,  one  of  them 
said:  If  this  be  so,  then  'All  also  *  became  an  apostate/  having 
assisted  the  adherents  of  apostasy  and  having  contributed 
towards  the  annihilation  of  religion,  since  he  did  not  uncover 

i  Codd.      -A^  . 
O 

!  Br.  om.  UyA$5  (purposely). 

3  Codd.  fif^A- 

4  Codd.  "  Ibn  at-Tammar." 

5  Br.  om.     See  p.  55. 


80  I.  Friedlaender,  The  Heterodoxies,  etc.  [1907. 

his  face;  lie  and  they  are  therefore  alike.  All  the  Shi'ites  flee 
from  this  narrow  pass,  while  Abu  Kamil  and  those  that  follow 
him  rush  into  it.  This  having  been  established,  one  of  them 
said :  *If  the  matter  be  such,  then  Muhammed  is  the  guilty  one 
who  set  free  all  these  (contentions)  by  not  having  explained  the 
matter  (so  as)  to  cut  down  all  pretexts  regarding  it.1  Another 
one  of  them  said :  Surely,  Jibril  alone  is  guilty,  because  he  passed 
with  the  prophecy  from  All  to  Muhammed. 

Says  Abu  Muhammed:  They  do  nothing  but  show  contempt 
and  make  fun  (of  Allah).  Let  us  seek  refuge  in  Allah  from 
error ! 

[The  Commentary  will  follow  in  the  next  number  of  this  Journal.] 
1  L.  om.  owing  to  homoioteleuton. 


COMMENTARY.  ' 

THE  Commentary  herewith  presented  follows  Ibu  Hazm's 
text  published  in  Vol.  xxviii  of  this  Journal,  pp.  28-80,  by  page 
and  line.  In  marking  the  lines,  I  have  counted  every  line  on 
the  page,  including  the  superscriptions.  The  footnotes  are  not 
quoted  by  the  line  but  by  the  number  prefixed  to  them.  In  the 
case  of  some  very  long  footnotes,  I  also  added  the  line  of  the 
footnote  referred  to. 

I  prefix  a  "List  of  Cited  Works,"  giving  all  the  authorities 
(with  short  biographical  dates)  regularly  or  frequently  quoted 
in  this  treatise.  The  abbreviations  under  which  they  are  quoted 
are  made  noticeable  to  the  eye.2  Books  only  incidentally 
referred  to  are  omitted  in  this  list.  MS.  before  the  title  signi- 
fies that  the  book  has  not  yet  appeared  in  print  and  has  been 
used  in  manuscript. 

In  quoting  from  Arabic  sources  I  have  discriminated  between 
printed  works  and  manuscripts.  The  latter  I  quote  in  the 
original ;  the  former  I  give — except  in  cases  of  necessity — in 


1  Continued  from  Vol.  xxviii,  pp.  1-80. 

3  To  simplify  the  abbreviations,  I  purposely  neglect  the  rules  of  exact 
transliteration. 


2  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

translation,  as  the  text  itself  is  accessible  to  the  specialist.  In 
translating  from  the  printed  edition  of  Ibn  Ilazm's  Milal,  I 
usually  attach  the  important  variants  from  the  manuscripts  at 
my  disposal. 

I  plead  guilty  to  being  inconsistent  in  transliterating  the 
Arabic.  Such  inconsistencies  are  scarcely  avoidable.  The 
specialist  will  pardon  them,  the  layman  will  hardly  notice  them. 

As  regards  the  index  to  this  treatise,  I  refer  the  reader  to 
my  remarks  in  Vol.  xxviii  of  this  Journal,  p.  27. 

List  of  Cited  Works. 

Abulfeda.  Abu'1-Fida  [d.  732/1331],  Annales  Moslemici,  ed. 
Adler,  Hafniae  1789-94. 

•Abu'l-Maali.  Abu'l-Ma'ali  [wrote  about  485/1092.  Descend- 
ant of  Ali.  Imamite],  Kitab  bayan  al-adyan  (in  Persian), 
printed  in  Schefer,  Chrestomathie  Persane,  vol.  I  (Paris,  1883), 
pp.  132-171.  The  quotations  refer  to  the  Persian  text. 

Agh.  Abu'l-Faraj  al-Isbahan!  [d.  356/967],  Kitab  al-Agani, 
Bulak. 

Agh.  Tables.  I.  Guidi,  Tables  alphabetiques  du  Kitab  al- 
Agani.  Leyden,  1895-1900. 

Anon.  Sufi.  MS.  Anonymous  work  on  Sufism.  The  author 
quotes  Yafi'i,  who  died  768/1366.  Cod.  Berlin;  Ahlwardt, 
Catalogue  No.  3397. 

Bagd.  MS.  On  Bagdad!  [d.  429/1038]  and  his  work,  see 
Introduction  to  this  treatise,  p.  26. 

Blochet,  Le  Messianisme  et  1'heterodoxie  Musulmane.  Paris, 
1903. — Draws  largely  on  Persian  (Shiitic)  sources. 

de  Boer,  History  of  Philosophy  in  Islam.  English  transla- 
tion. London,  1903. 

Brockelmann,  Geschichte  der  arabischen  Litteratur.  I-II. 
Leipzig,  1898-1902. 

Diyarbekri.  Diyarbekri  [died  after  982/1574],  Ta'rikh  al- 
Khamls.  Cairo,  1283h. 

Dozy,  Isl.  Dozy,  Essai  sur  I'histoire  de  1'Islamisme,  traduit 
du  Hollandais  par  Victor  Chauvin.  Leyden-Paris,  1879. 

Fihr.  Nadim  [wrote  377/988].  Kitab  al-Fihrist,  ed.  Flflgel. 
Leipzig,  1871-2. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  3 

Gen.  Leyd.  MS.  Kitab  tahdib  al-ansub  wa-nihayat  -al-a'kab. 
An  anonymous  genealogy  of  the  Alides  [fourth  century  H.]. 
Cod.  Leyden  (Warner  686).  Not  paginated. 

de  Goeje,  Carmathes.  de  Goeje,  Memoire  sur  les  Carmathes 
du  Bahrain  et  les  Fatimides  [Memoires  d'Histoire  et  de  Geo- 
graphie  orientales  No.  1J.  Second  edition.  Leyden,  1886. 

Goldziher,  Muh.  St.  Goldziher,  Muhammedanische  Studien 
I-II.  Halle  1889-1890. 

Goldziher,  Shi'a.  Goldziher.  Beitrage  zur  Litteraturge- 
schichte  der  Si 'a  und  der  sunnitischen  Polemik.  Sitzungs- 
berichte  der  philosophisch-historischen  Classe  der  kaiserlichen 
Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  vol.  78  (1874),  p.  439  ff.  Vienna. 

Haarbriicker.  German  translation  of  Shahrastani  I— II.  Halle, 
1850-51.  Unless  otherwise  stated,  quotations  refer  to  vol.  I. 

lAth.  Ibn  al-Athir  [d.  630/1234].  Chronicon  quod  Per- 
fectissimum  inscribitur,  ed.  C.  J.  Tornberg.  Leyden,  1851—76. 

IBab.,  Ithbat.  Ibn  Babuye  [d.  381/991.  Imamite],  Kitab 
fi  ithbat  al-gaiba  wa-kashf  al-haira,  ed.  Moller,  Heidelberg,  1901. 

IBab.,  I'tikadat.  MS.  Ibn  Babuye  (see  above),  I'tikadat 
al-Imamiyya.  Cod.  British  Museum  (Add.  19,623).  See  de 
Rieu,  Catalogue  p.  385. 

I.  H.  Ibn  Hazm  [d.  456/1064],  the  author  of  our  text.  See 
Introduction,  p.  9ff. 

IHaukal.  Ibn  Haukal  [wrote  367/977],  ed.  de  Goeje  [Biblio- 
theca  Geographorum  Arabicorum  II].  Leyden,  1873. 

Iji.  Iji  [d.  756/1355].  Mawakif,  ed.  Sorenson.  Leipzig, 
1848. 

Ikd.  Ibn  'Abd  Rabbihi  [d.  328/940],  al-'Ikd  al-farid,  I-III. 
Cairo,  1293.  If  not  otherwise  stated,  quotations  refer  to  vol.  I. 

IKhald.  Ibn  Khaldun  [d.  808/1406],  Mukaddima,  ed  Qua- 
tremere  I-III.  [Notices  et  Extraits  des  manuscrits  de  la  Biblio- 
theque  Imperiale  voll.  16-18]  Paris,  1847-1858. 

IKhall.  Ibn  Khallikan  [d.  681/1282],  Kitab  wafayat  al- 
a'yao,  ed.  Wtistenfeld.  Gottingen,  1835-43. 

IKot.  Ibn  Koteiba  [d.  276/889],  Kitab  al-ma'arif,  ed. 
Wiistenfeld.  Gottingen,  1850. 

Isfr.     MS.  On  Isfra'ini  [d.  471/1078],  see  Introduction,  p.  26. 

Istakhri  [wrote  340/951],  ed.  de  Goeje  [Bibliotheca  Geo- 
gi-aphorum  Arabicorum  I].  Leyden,  1870. 


4  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Kashi.1  Abu  'Amr  Muhammed  b.  'Omar  b.  'Abd  al-'Aziz 
al-Kashshi  (from  Kashsh  in  Jurjan)  [approximately  300h.2 
Imamite\,  Ma'rifat  akhbar  ar-rijal.  Biographies  of  Shiitic 
worthies  chronologically  arranged.  Bombay  1317h. — The  author 
apparently  draws  on  old  and  rare  sources. 

Kremer,  Ideen.  Kremer,  Geschichte  der  herrschenden  Ideen 
des  Islams.  Leipzig,  1868. 

Lubb  al-Lubab.  Suyuti  [d.  911/1505],  Lubb  al-lubab  fi 
tahrir  al-ansab,  ed.  P.  J.  Veth.  Leyden,  1830-32. 

Makr.  Makrizi  [d.  845/1442],  Kitab  al-mawa'iz  wa'1-i'tibar 
bi-dikri'1-khitat  wa'1-athar,  I-II.  Bulak,  1270h.  Draws  partly 
on  very  old  sources.  Unless  otherwise  stated,  quotations  refer 
to  vol.  II. 

Masudi.  Mas'udi  [d.  345/956].  Muruj  ad-dahab,  ed.  Bar- 
bier  de  Meynard,  I-IX.  Paris,  1861-77. — His  information  is 
incidental  and  brief,  but  extremely  valuable. 

Mirza.  MS.  Mirza  Makhdurn  [about  1594],  Risalat  an-nawfi- 
kid  fi-radd  'ala-r-Rawafid.  A  polemical  treatise  against  Shiism. 
Cod.  Berlin;  Ahlwardt,  Catalogue  No.  2136. 

Nawawi,  Tahdib.  Nawawi  [d.  676/1278],  Tahdib  al-asma 
wa'1-lugat,  ed.  Wtistenfeld.  Gottingen,  1842-7. 

PRE3.  Protestantische  Realencyklopadie,  ed.  Herzog  and 
Hauck.  Third  edition. 

de  Sacy.  Expose  de  la  religion  des  Druzes,  I-II.  Paris, 
1838.  Quotations  in  Roman  figures  refer  to  vol.  I. 

Shahr.  Shahrastani  [d.  548/1153],  Kitab  al-Milal  wa'n- 
Nihal,  ed.  Cureton  I-II.  London,  1842-6.  Quotations  refer  to 
vol.  I. 

Sibt,  Imams.  MS.  Sibt  Ibn  al-Jauzi  [d.  654/1257],  Kitab 
sirat  maulana  Amir  al-Mu'minin  al-Imam  'All  .  .  wa-auladihi. 


1  Mr.  Ellis,  of  the  British  Museum,  kindly  called  my  attention  to  this 
work. 

-  I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  statement  bearing  on  the  age  of  this 
author.  The  date  given  in  the  text  is  based  on  the  following  calcula- 
tions. al-Kashshi  was  a  pupil  of  al-' Ayyashi  (edition  of  his  work,  p.  379). 
The  latter  is  no  doubt  identical  with  Fihrist  19514,  and  Tusy,  List  of 
Shy'ah  books,  No.  690.  Neither  of  these  authors  give  his  age.  But 
according  to  Tusy,  ib..,  al-'Ayyashi  "  heard  the  disciples  (ashab)  of  'Ali  h, 
al-Hasan  b.  Faddal  "  who  died  224h  (Tusy,  No.  191).  This  justifies  the 
rough  estimate  given  in  the  text. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  5 

A  biography  of  All  and  his  successors  in  the  Imamate.     Cod. 
Ley  den  (Warner  915). 

Suyuti,  Tarikh.     Suyutl  [d.   911/1505],  Ta'rikh  al-Khulafa, 
ed.  Sprenger  and  Mawlawl  'Abd  al-Hakk.     Calcutta,  1857. ' 
-  translated  into  English  by  H.  S.  Jarrett.     Calcutta,  1881. 

Tab.     Tabari  [d.  309/921],  Annales,  ed.  de  Goeje. 

Tusy.  Tusi  [d.  459/1067.  Imamite}.  List  of  Shy 'ah  books, 
ed.  Sprenger  and  Mawlawl  'Abd  al-Hakk.  Calcutta,  1853-5. 

van  Vloten,  Chiitisme.  van  Vloten,  Recherches  sur  la  Domi- 
nation arabe,  le  Chiitisme  et  les  Croyances  messianiques  dans  le 
Khalifat  des  Omayyades.  [Verhandelingen  der  Koninklijke 
Akademie  van  Wetenschappen  te  Amsterdam.  Afdeeling  Let- 
terkunde,  Deel  I,  No.  3.]  Amsterdam,  1894. 

van  Vloten,  Worgers.  von  Vloten,  Worgers  in  Iraq  [Feest- 
bundel  .  .  .  van  zijn  tachtigsten  geboortedag  aan  Dr.  P.  J. 
Veth],  Leyden,  1894.  (See  this  volume,  p.  92.) 

Wellhausen,  Opp.  Wellhausen,  Die  religios-politischen 
Oppositionsparteien  im  alten  Islam.  Berlin,  1901.  [Abhand- 
lungen  der  koniglichen  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften  zu 
Gottingen.  Philologisch-historische  Klasse.  Neue  Folge.  Band 
V,  Nro.  2]. 

Wolff,  Drusen.  Wolff,  Die  Drusen  und  ihre  Vorlaufer. 
Leipzig,  1845. — Based  on  de  Sacy. 

Wiistenfeld,  Register.  Wtistenfeld,  Register  zu  den  gene- 
alogischen  Tabellen.  Gottingen,  1853. 

Wiistenfeld,  Tabellen.  Wtistenfeld,  Genealogische  Tabellen 
der  arabischen  Stamme  und  Familie-n.  Gottingen,  1852. 

ZDMG.  Zeitschrift  der  deutschen  Morgenlandischen  Gesell- 
schaft. 

Zeid.  MS.  al-Kasim  .b.  Ibrahim  al-Hasani  [d.  246/860. 
From  Yemen.  Zeidite],  a  volume  containing  miscellaneous 
Zeiditic  writings  (19  in  number).  Cod.  Berlin;  Ahlwardt, 
Catalogue  No.  4876.  Contains  reliable  and,  in  view  of  the 
early  date  of  the  author,  extremely  valuable  information. 

Zeid.  Mutaz.  Ahmad  b.  Yahya  b.  '1-Murtada  [d.  840b. 
From  Yemen.  Zeidite],  Kitab  al-Milal  wa'n-Nihal.  Chap- 
ter on  the  Mu'tazila,  ed.  Arnold.  Leipzig,  1902. 

Yakut.  Yakut  [d.  626/1229],  Geographical  Dictionary  ed. 
Wiistenfeld  I- VI.  Leipzig,  1868-73. 


6  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

List  of  Abbreviations. 

Codd.  =  Codices :  the  manuscripts  of  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wa'n- 
Nihal  in  distinction  from  the  printed  edition. 

Comm.  =  Commentary  to  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  published  in  this 
volume. 

Ed.  =  printed  edition  of  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wa'n-Nihal. 

Introd.  =  Introduction  to  this  treatise  in  Vol.  xxviii  of  this 
Journal,  pp.  1-28. 

Milal = the  manuscripts  of  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wa'n-Nihal: 

Br  =  British  Museum. 
L  =  Leyden. 
V  =  Vienna. 
Y  =  Yale. 

See  Introd.,  p.  17. 

Note,  with  a  number  following,  refers  to  the  footnotes  under 
the  Text  (see  next). 

Text^Text  of  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  published  in  Vol.  xxviii  of 
this  Journal,  pp.  28-80. 

Small  figures  above  large  figures  indicate  the  line  on  the  page 
referred  to.  When  underlined,  the  small  figure  indicates  that 
the  lines  are  to  be  counted  from  below. 


[28]      P.  28,  1.  21  f.1     I  am  not  sure  that  I  have  correctly  rendered 
the  words  of   the  original  (Ed.  II,  1116):   x^   ^JL«i   lx> 


.A  (LVY  read 

The  meaning  of  the  sentence  is  not  quite  clear.  It  largely 
5  depends  on  the  interpretation  of  the  verb  <^JL&  .  The  latter, 
followed  by  (J^fr.  £,  or  ^—  >,  usually  designates  "to  excite,  stir 
up  evil,  mischief  or  discord,  against  or  among  people"  (Lane). 
We  have  translated  accordingly,  taking  au  as  referring  to 

*^Lu<Y!  and  L$J  to  J^  in  the  preceding    sentence.     But    our 
10  author,  who  is  apparently  very  fond  of  this  word,  seems  to  use  it 

in  a  somewhat  different  sense.     Thus  Ed.  II,  13122  OUAJ  L* 


t 


1  The  reference  is  to  Vol.  xxviii  of  this  Journal,  as  already  stated. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc. 


(J^rtl  "contradiction   to  [28] 
anything  that  has  been  logically  demonstrated  is  nothing  but 

o     ^ 

w>*Xu,  i.  e.,  casuistry  or  sophistiy."     I,  207  Jua*«^vJ!  <Jj&!  \^j*& 
"the  casuistry  of  the  Sophists."     1919  :  a  certain  heretic  was  con- 


vincingly refuted  v_  .JLxI     j  StX^e  1>^>J.  '  '  and  nothing  was  5 

left  to  him  except  sophistic  arguments."     See  also  III,  21412, 


V,   79%  801,  932     *-$x^kx>.     Comp.  Dozy  sub  voce 
"suppositions    captieuses,    sophismes  "    (from   Makkari).     The 

verb  is  applied  by  Ibn  Hazm  in  the  same  sense  and  construed 

•#  «•» 
with  v-j  rei.     Ed.  Y,  15*   I  tX*   £   Lgj   '^*^   x^?   p-frf  f^J«J  U  10 

^.Ld!  ^j-gJI  "  we  know  of  no  proof  whatever  which  they  could 
casuistically  bring  forward  in  favor  of  this  nonsense."     Ill,  203s 

feUd!  1-o.J  ow+Xt  JJiJ  oo  yjj  JbV!  »  JJO   ^;W    *-g.^JtJ   v_^ixi  Jo^ 

"  One  of  them  sophistically  assumes  that  the  verse  (Koran  17, 
104)    reads     ''alimtu'    with    a    'damma'    over   the    'ta'."  —  In15 
accordance  with  these  quotations  the  sentence  under  considera- 
tion ought  to  be  translated:   "  and  to  expound  the  sophisms  that 
were  brought  forward  by  those  of  them  who  argue  sophistically  " 
&j  would  then   be   the  tXSLc  (Wright,3  Arabic    Grammar   II, 
320A)  of  lx>  and  the  variant  L£J  would  be  an  intentional  cor-  20 
rection.  —  &XJ^  ..^x  &o   LtAj  l+<o  is  somewhat  hard,  but  it  can 
scarcely  be  translated  otherwise  than  it  has  been  done  in  the  text. 

29,  1.   1.     Ed.  as  well  as  Codd.   write,  as   a  rule,  ix 
(or  iL^.*_»J!)  both  with  Hamza  and  Ya.     This  spelling  may  have 
been  chosen  intentionally,  so  as  to  embrace  the  two  interpreta-  25 
tions  given  to  the  word,  the  one  deriving  it  from  L*>\  "  to  delay," 
the  other  from  the  root  *z*-\  "to  inspire  hope."     Comp.  Shahr. 
103,  Makr.  349^,  Goldziher,  Muh.  St.  II,  90,  note  1. 

-  L.  10  f  .     For  the  better  understanding  of  this  paragraph 
I  insert  here  the  synopsis  of  Murji'ite  doctrines  given  in  Milal^o 

L   II,    162b:    J^JLJ!        ^   (jJ^OAJt   .J*   ^U->VI  J^vJI  oJU 


Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


[29]  *        JL          JtX-flS         i        cX  <M 


JUi 


j    xo 


_ftx3    x-J 

i  »  4  » 


sJo-jui-VU  xjyolZXJL.  See  the  detailed  account  on  the  Murji'a 
Ed.  IV,  204  ff.  On  the  question  as  to  the  nature  of  "Faith  " 
see  III,  188  ff. 

-  L.  11.     AM  Hanifa  died  767  C.  E.     Shahr.   105  admits 
that  this  famous  Fakih  is  generally  counted  among  the  Murji- 

io'ites.a  He  does  so  reluctantly,  as  the  latter,  in  spite  of  their 
close  relation  to  the  Sunna,  are  considered  heterodox,  and  he 
explains  this,  in  a  rather  far-fetched  manner,  as  the  result  of  a 
misunderstanding.  But  inconsistently  enough,  he  himself  later 
mentions  him  among  the  prominent  men  of  the  Murji'a  (p.  108). 

15  -  L.  15.  Jahm  was  executed  for  his  heterodox  beliefs 
towards  the  end  of  the  Omeyyad  period,  Shahr.  19,  60.  Makr. 
349". 

-  Ibidem.     On   al-Ash'ari's    (873-935    C.  E.)   doctrine    see 
de  Boer,  56  f.     At  first  opposed,  "he  was  finally  considered  so 

20  orthodox  that  anyone  who  attacked  him  was  regarded  as  an 
infidel  who  deserved  capital  punishment.  The  devout  philoso- 
pher was  revered  as  a  saint"  (Dozy,  Isl.  255).  It  is  highly 
characteristic  that  Makrizi,  who  quotes  this  passage  almost 
verbatim  (34518)3,  omits  al-Ash'ari's  name  both  here  and  1.  17. 

25  Although  himself  a  Zahirite  like  Ibn  Hazm,4  he  did  not  possess 
his  courage  or  consistency  to  charge  the  patron-saint  of  the 
Sunna  with  heterodox  views.  The  same  consideration  probably 
accounts  for  the  variant  in  L  and  Y  (see  note  6).  The  printer 
of  Ed.  repeatedly  endeavors  to  defend  al-Ash'ari  against  the 

'30  attacks  of  our  author.     In  a  footnote  to  this  passage  (II,  111) 


1  On  the  margin  £3 

2  Comp.  IKot.  801. 

3  Makrizi  frequently  plagiarizes  Ibn  Hazm  ;  see  Goldziher,  Zahiriten 
202  ;  Muh.  St.  II,  269. 

4  Goldziher,  Zahiriten,  p.  196  f. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  9 

he  maintains  that  Ibn   Hazm  misrepresents  al-Ash'ari's   view,  [29] 
ascribing  this  circumstance  to  the  geographical  distance  between 
these  two  men  (the  former  in  Spain,  the  latter  in  Basra).     In  a 
footnote  to  III,  206  he  asserts  that  the  difference  between  al- 
Ash'arl  and  Ibn  Hazm  is  merely  verbal.  5 

-  L.  16.     Muhammed  b.  Karram  (died  256h,  Makr.  35723)  is 
counted  Makr.  3499  (comp.   35720  ff.)  among  the    Mushabbiha. 
On  his  view  regarding  the  external  nature  of  "faith"  (our  text 
1.  21  f.)  see  Ed.  Ill,  188,  Bagd.  4a.     Comp.  de  Boer,  56. 

—  L.  20.      On  the  principle  of    "Takiyya"  see   Goldziher's  10 
article  ZDMG.  60,  213  ff.     It  is  of  special  significance  for  the 
Shi'a,  ib.  p.  217  ff. 

-  L.  24  f  .     See  the  chapter  on  the  Mu'tazila,  Ed.  IV,  192  ff. 

-  L.  25  f.     The   three    Mu'tazilites   named  here  occupy  an 
intermediate  position  in  the  question  of  Kadar  :  It  is  God  who  15 
creates  the  actions  of  man,  but  man  has  the  privilege  of  giving 
assent  to  them.     Shahr.  62,  de  Boer  56. 

-  L.  25.     On  an-Najjar  (9th  century  C.  E.)  see  Makr.  350^. 

-  L.  26.     Instead  of  ^Lxfr  (also  Ed.  IV,  4510,  Makr.  35013) 
Shahr.   633  has  v^  (Haarbriicker  948  'Attab).—  Makr.   350172o 
counts   him   among   the    Mujabbira,  admitting,  however,  that 
because  of  his  other  views  he  is  generally  reckoned  among  the 
Mu'tazila.     He  died  218h,  Fihr.  182,  n.  7. 

30,  1.  1.     On  Dirar  see  Makr.  349^.     Comp.  Ed.  I,  109.  [30] 

-  L.  2.     See  on  this  famous  Mu'tazilite  p.  66"  and  passim  —  25 
His  peculiar  position  in  the  question  of  Kadar,  de  Boer,  51. 

-  L.  5  ff.     See  Text  7419  ff.  and  Comm. 

-  L.  14.     The  synopsis   of   Kharijite  views  given  in  Milal 
L  II,  162b  will  serve  to  illustrate  this  passage:  --  ) 


dU  j   ^£.   U-XJut   LJllj    lib" 
J£  JL>  ^ 

& 

-3L*,  «.+sijs 

jtt  oJLi  dlJ  j  !A^  IZU 


See  Ed.  IV.  188  ff.,  Shahr.  100. 


88 


10  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[30]  -  L.  15.  The  Kharijite  named  here  was  an  intimate  friend 
of  the  extreme  Shiite  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam  (p.  65"),  Masudi 
V,  343. 

-  L.  17  f.     The  names  of  these  three  heretics  appear  in  so 
5  manifold  and  puzzling  variations  that  it  is  well-nigh  impossible 
to  arrive  at  any  definite  conclusion. 

The  father's  name  of  the  first  occurs  in  the  following  forms : 

1)  iaSU.  (or  JojU>)  Milal  V  50%  L  II,  145b,  Masudi  III,  207, 

Shahr.18,  42,  Makr.  34714,  de  Sacy  XLII  footnote,  also  in  the 

10  carefully  printed  manuscripts  of  Bagd.  49b,  136a  and  Isfr.  8% 

62b.     We  have  adopted  this  reading  in  our  text. — 2)   iajL^., 

very  frequently:    Ed    Y    in    our   passage.     Ed.    I,    78",    9017, 

Milal  L  I,  36%  Iji  340,  de  Sacy,  ibidem. — 3)    iajLa.  L  here 

(so  probably   also  V,  see   note  8),  Ed.  IV,  197-198    (several 

is  times). —4)    iajU.  Ed.  Ill,   1206.— 5)    iojU*  Br.  here,  L    II, 

162b  1.  1  (iojU>). 

Still  more  numerous  are  the  variations  of  the  father's  name 

of  the  second  person.     It  is  found  written  as  follows1 :  1)  j^^JLx) 

Ed.  here.— 2)    u-^b  Masudi   III,  267.— 3)    u-jjls  Milal  V, 

2<>50a.—  4)    (j-jjL*    Ed.    IV,    19818.— 5)    (j-jjb     Br.    here     (V 

(Jijjb). — 6)  (j"jjLc  (,j»?  v_»jjl  (j-?  <X»^J)  Shahr.  43. — 7) 
Y    here     (L    unpointed);    Isfr.    63a    y^«jb    (sic).2 — 8) 

Ed.  I,  9017.3— 9)  Jijjb  (^jj  ^£>\  ^  <X»-^I)  Bagd.  103b. 
We  have  followed  this  reading  of  Bagd.,  owing  to  the  careful 
25 punctuation  of  the  manuscript  (see  Introduction,  p.  27). — The 
ending  (j*^_=os  appears  in  all  these  readings.  This  most 
probably  indicates  Christian  origin,  the  more  so  as  the  views  of 
these  men  (see  later)  distinctly  show  Christian  influence. 


1  Note  9  contains  several  misprints  which  must  be  corrected  in  accord- 
ance with  the  text  above. 

2  "  Manusch,"  as  Haarbriicker  (II,  419)  transcribes  the  reading  of  Isfr., 
is  impossible  in  the  manuscript. 

3  Schreiner,  Der  Kaldm  in  der  judischen  Litteratur,  p.  63,  note  1,  is 
inclined  to  accept  this  reading,  and  to  identify  it  with  the  Greek  Ndvoc 
which  occurs  as  the  name  of  several  Syrian  bishops  (Harkavy,  Hahoker 

II,  17).    But  the  latter  name  is  transcribed  in  Arabic  as  lili  (Harkavy. 
ibidem). 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  11 

The  by-name  of  the  third  as  given  by  Ed.  is  no  doubt  incorrect,  [30] 
as  according  to  the  express  statement  Ed.  IV,  19720  al-Fadl  was 

(as  well  as  Ahmad  b.Ha'it)  from  Basra.     Instead  of    .-j'v^'  we 

i          '  I  o    y 

find:    1)     ^^l    Isfr.    64a    1.    3.—  2)    ^^\    Ed.    Ill,    1207, 

IV,   19720;    (V  here   ^^  ',  Br.  L  here  and  L   II,    162b,  1.  1    5 
L  II,  146a   (sic)  ^sxJt).—  3)        ^  Shahr.   18;  42 


.j   JwO_aJI.  —  4)     -JtX^-f  Iji  340.     It   is    impossible  to 
decide  on  the  proper  form. 

The  doctrines  common  to  these  three  men  consist  mainly  of 
the  belief  in  the  divinity  of  Jesus  and  a  fully  developed  theory  10 
of  Metempsychosis  ;    see  the   sources    quoted  above,  especially 
Ed.  I,  90,  Shahr.  42  f.,  Makr.  347.     They  are  usually  mentioned 
together  and  designated  as  the  pupils    of   the  Mu'tazilite  an- 
Nazzam  (p.  586),  who  himself  betrays  the  influence  of  Christian 
doctrine,  comp.  Schreiner,  der  Kaldm  in  der  jtidischen  TMtera-iz 
tur,  p.   4.  —  According  to  Ed.  I,   9017    and  Bagd.  103b,  Ahmad 
b.   Yanush   (or  whatever  his  name)  was  a  pupil  of  Ahmad  b. 
Ha'it. 

-  L.  18.     On  the  term  "Rawafid"  see  Appendix  A. 

-  L.  19.     On  the  Sufis  see  Text  732.     The  omission  in  L.  Y.  20 
(note  11)  is  probably  intentional.     Ibn  Hazm  as  Zahirite  has 
naturally  enough  a  particular  aversion  to  the  allegorical  inter- 
pretation current  among  the  Sufis. 

-  Ibidem.     Abu  Isma'il  belonged  to  the  radical  wing  of  the 
extreme  Kharijite  sect   of   the  Azarika   (comp.   above    p.   935),25 
Ed.  IV,   189.     Makr.   349^  calls  him  Isma'il   and  counts  him 
among  the  Mujabbira. 

31,  1.  1.     On  the  'Ajarida  of  the  Khawarij  see  Ed.  IV,  191 
Shahr.  95.      On  the  conception  of  "Ijma"'  see  de  Boer  38. 

-  L.  17.     Mukatil  is  counted  Shahr.  108  (comp.  ib.  p.  106)  so 
among  the  Murji'a,  but  later  on,  p.  121,  among  the  Zeidiyya. 

-  L.  20.     See  the  names  of  these  three  Shiites  in  the  Index. 
—  On  the  close  relation  between  the  Shi  'a  and  the  Mu'tazila  see 
ZDMG.  52,  216;  53,  380,  538;  60,  225,  de  Boer  43  ult.     Comp. 
Miiller,  Islam,  II,  p.  9.     The  Shiites  mentioned  here  all  belong  35 
to  the  Imamiyya.     Still  closer  is  the  relation  of  the  Zeidiyya  to 
the  Mu'tazila.     Zeid  b.  Ali  (Text  749),  the  founder  of  the  former 
sect,  was  a  pupil  of  Wasil  b.  'Ata,  the  founder  of  the  latter 


12  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[31]  (Shahr.  116),  whojn  turn  is  said  to  have  received  the  "science 

of  Kalam"  from  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya,  Zeid.  Mutaz.  10 

penult.     Typical  is  the  utterance  Makiizi's  (348")  "Seldom  is 

a  Mu'tazilite  found  who  is  not  a  Rafidite,  except  a  few." 

s     33,  1.   23.      "Went  to  the  extreme,"  lit.    "exaggerated  "  = 

~~ 

This  verb,  which  in  the  form  of  the  participle  (auJLfc  or 

has  become  the  technical  term  for  the  ITltra-Shi'a,  origin- 
ally seems  to  have  had  a  wider  range  and  to  have  been  applied 
to  other  than  Shiitic  movements.  Thus  Ikd  (249)  has  a  special 
10  chapter  on  "guluww"  in  asceticism.  Makrizi  applies  this 
expression  to  all  sects  of  Islam  and  states  in  the  case  of  each 
sect  the  nature  of.  its  "guluww,"  i.  e.,  in  how  far  it  exaggerates 
the  correct  principles  of  the  Sunna. 

-  L.  24.     This  view  is  held  by  Abu  Isma'il  al-Bittikhi  (p. 
is  II23),  Ed.  IV,  189". 

-  L.  26.     This  view  is  held  by  the  Meimuniyya,  a  section 
of   the    'Ajarida,  Ed.  IV,  190",  Shahr.   96,  Bagd.  4b.     They 
slavishly  adhered  to  the  restrictions  in  Koran  4,  27. 

-  L.  27.     This  view,  too,  is  attributed  to  the  Meimuniyya, 
20  Shahr.  95  f.  ,  comp.  Noldeke,  Geschichte  des  Korans,  p.  277  ff. 

-  L.  28  f.     See  Koran  24,  2;  5,  42  and  comp.  Ed.  IV,  1894. 

Milal  L  II,  25b  1.  2  '  : 

\  Jli' 


j 

JiAA^J!  c 

25  -  L.  33.  The  doctrine  of  Metempsychosis  was  current 
among  the  Mu'tazilites,  Schreiner,  der  Kaldm  in  der  jildischen 
Litteratur,  p.  62  ff.  It  was  of  vital  importance  for  the  extreme 
Shi  'a,  to  whom  it  served  as  a  metaphysical  substructure  for  many 
of  their  beliefs  and  practices  (see  Index  s.v.  "  Transmigration  of 
so  Souls").  Shahr.,  Makr.  and  others  mention  a  special  sect  called 

Tanasukhiyya.  —  See  also  p.  2610  ff. 
[34]      34,  1.  2.     This   view  is  attributed  to  a   certain   Abu    Gifar, 


Ed.  IV,  19717.     L   II,  145b  is  more  explicit:    tX^I  3^Ui 

1 1  cannot  identify  the  passage  in  Ed. 

2  L  II,  162b  he  is  called  as  in  Ed.  »lifc  «jf . 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  13 


'(sic) 

-  L.  4.     Comp.  Ed.  IV,  206°  ff. 

-  L.  7.     Ibn  Hazm  (Ed.  IV,  199")  quotes  in  the  name  of 
Ismu'il  b.    'Abdallah  ar-Ru'aini,  an  older  contemporary  of  his,  5 
who  was  known  for  his  piety  and  asceticism,  the  doctrine  "  that 
he  who  has  reached  the  highest    degree    of   righteousness  and 
purity  of  soul  has  attained  prophecy  and  that  the  latter  is  by 
no  means  a  special  faculty." 

-  L.  9.     Instead   of    "pious"    better   translate  "saints." — 10 
Comp.  Ed.  IV,  275:   "We  often  heard  of  Sufis  who  maintained 
that  a  saint  was  superior  to  a  prophet;"  IV,  22618,   "a  part  of 

the  Sufis  claim  that  there  are  among  the  Divine  Saints  (^IxJJ 
aJJI)  some  who  are  superior  to  all  the  prophets  and  apostles, 
and  that  he  who  has  reached  the  utmost  limit  of  saintliness  is  15 
exempt  from  all  religious  precepts,  as  prayer,  fast,  alms,  etc. 
and  is  allowed  all  forbidden  things,  as  adultery,  wine,  and  so 
forth."  IBab.  Ptikadat  24a  ascribes  the  same  views  to  the  ad- 
herents of  Hallaj  (Text  6918) :  ^yS.^  S^JLf! 

f. 


-*^>-     Comp.    also    Ibn    al-Athir's    utterance 
p.  1410. — One  might  think  of  reading  xIi«-*oJf  instead  of  J^l 

&AAwJi  (1.  8).     But  the  author  reviews  the  "exaggerations"  of  25 
each  of  the  five  sects  of  Islam  (Text  28  ult.).     The  Sunnites 
in  consequence  cannot  be  missing  (cf.  p.  125  ff.). 

-  L.  12.     The  belief  in  Incarnation  (hulul)  forms  the  basis 
of  the  cardinal  ultra-Shiitic  belief  in  the  Divine  nature  of  the 
Imams.     Most  historians  of    religion   enumerate  a  special  sect  30 
called  Hululiyya.     See  Index  sub  voce  "Incarnation." 


1  The  change  in  gender  because  milk  naturally  refers  to  the  female. 

2  See  p.  82". 


14  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[34]      —  L.  13.     On  Hallaj  see  Comm.  to  p.  69'8.     Ibn  Hazm  effec- 
tively ridicules  this  belief  in  the  divinity  of  Hallaj,  Ed.  V,  117. 
He  repeatedly  quotes  Hallaj  as  the  type  of  a  (pseudo)  miracle 
worker,  e.  g.,  Ed.  I,  110n  and  elsewhere. 
5        -  L.  16.     See  p.  78". 

-  L.  18.     On  as-Sayyid,  see  passages  specified  in  the  Index. 

—  L.  20.     See  Text  696  and  Comm. 

-  L.  21.     See  p.  79". 

—  L.  22.     On  Abu  Mansur,  see  p.  8914. 

10       -  L.  23.     On  Bazig,  see  p.  9534;  on  Bayan,  p.  88*. 

-  L.  25.     See  p.  2427  ff. 

[35]  35,  1.  1  ff.  Comp.  a  similar  utterance  of  Ibn  al-Athir  (VIII, 
21).  These  heretics  maintain  "that  all  the  religious  precepts 
have  an  inner  meaning,  and  that  Allah  has  imposed  upon  his 

15  saints  and  those  that  have  perceived  the  Imams  and  the  "  Gates  " 
(abwab,  sufitic  term)  neither  prayer  nor  alms  nor  anything 
else."  Makr.  352 '8  quotes  in  the  name  of  the  Khattabiyya 
(Text  69)  the  same  specimens  of  allegorical  interpretation,  with 
a  few  characteristic  modifications.  Thus  "  Jibt  "  and  "  Tagut  " 

20  (1.  7)  are  interpreted  as  referring  to  Abu  Sufyan  and  'Amr  b. 
al-'As,  while  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar  are  represented  by  "khamr" 
(wine)  and  "maysir"  (a  gambling  game),  Koran  2,  216;  5,  92. 
This  is  no  doubt  an  attempt  to  soften  somewhat  the  insult  to 
"the  two  Sheikhs"  implied  in  the  original  interpretation. 

25  Interesting,  because  reflecting  the  attitude  of  official  Shiism 
toward  these  exegetic  endeavors,  are  the  two  anecdotes  told 
Kashi  188.  "  Abu  'Abdallah  (i.  e.,  Ja'far  as-Sadik,  see  Index) 
wrote  to  Abu'l-Khattab  (Text  694) :  'It  has  come  to  my  knowl- 
edge that  thou  assumest  that  "adultery"  means  a  person,  that 

so  "wine,"  "prayer,"  "fasts"  and  "abominations"  (fawahish, 
Koran  6,  152;  7,  31)  mean  certain  persons.  It  is  not  as  thou 
sayest.' — Someone  said  to  Ja'far:  'It  is  reported  in  thy  name 
that  "wine,"  "maysir,"  "images,"  and  "arrows"  (Koran  5, 
92)  stand  for  certain  persons.'  He  replied:  Allah  would  cer- 

35  tainly  not  have  told  his  people  something  that  they  could  not 
know  (i.  e.,  understand  by  mere  allusion)." 

-  L.  12.     See  p.  92"  ff. 

-  L.  13  ff.     See  also  Text  49s.     I.  H.   alludes  to  the  same 
attitude  of  the  Shiites,  Milal  L  II,  82b  (—Ed.  IV,  83) :  Jahm 

40  b.  Safwan  and  Abu'l-Hudeil,  as  well  as  certain  Rawafid,  deny  the 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  15 

eternity  of    Paradise  and  Hell   (comp.   p.   74).      He  then  pro-  [35] 
ceeds  to  refute  Jahm  and  Abu'l-Hudeil.     As  for  the  Rawafid, 
they  deserve  no  refutation,  as  they  do  not  rely  on  logical  demon- 
stration (the  last  sentence  missing  in  Ed.).     In  another  passage 
(Ed.  II,  94)  I.  H.  elaborately  argues  against  those  of  his  co-  5 
religionists  who   "take  it  for  granted  that  religion  cannot  be 
accepted  on  the  basis  of  logical  demonstration,  thus  gladdening 
the  hearts  of  the  heretics  and  testifying  that  religion  can  be 
established  by  means  of   assumptions  and  by  superior  force." 
How  deeply  seated  this  aversion  to  argumentation  was  in  Shi-  10 
itic  circles   can    be    seen    from    the    utterances    of   the  famous 
Imamite  Ibn  Babuye  (Ptikadat  6&),  who  devotes  a  whole  chapter 
to  this  subject.     I   reproduce    this   interesting   chapter   in    its 
essential  parts: 


J..J9 

CJt 

L 


>      .      i>^--        «       ">        »s«>lt         I  "\         i  si      I 

«AS«  J  QvxaJ.   &AAXCO    *J     -jLl?   dLxAJ   Jo)  «J 

»*J'   ^jt   <X?yJ' 


£**?•  (j 

|»^LwuJ!    &AJ*£    '^.AAXfc^J!       ~Avot     w'Li.    aLLfr   jtf-^AX  25 


1  This  is  the  Kunya  of  Ibn  Babuye. 

1  Koran  53,  43. 

3  Shahr.  143  mentions  in  the  name  of  al-Warrak  (author  of  the  Fihrisfi) 
that  this  reply  of  Ja'far  was  transmitted  by  Hisham  b.  Salim  (see  Index) 
and  Muhammed  b.  an-Nu'man  (p.  59),  who  strictly  followed  this  injunc- 
tion till  they  died. 

4i.  e.,  Ali. 


16  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[35]Jls  oiioLM  JUJ4-H  U  J;'  ^55  [7a]  •  •  •  •  vJ'Jo-o  Jlx^L? 


*•  - 

xxLojl  Lo  *L&£  JLai 

^1  J^C-   J  Jcbl 


This  elimination  of  logic  from  the  province  of  religion  is 
complemented  and  justified  by  the  claim  of  a  higher  source  of 
knowledge,  the  claim  of  inspiration  (1.  14).  See  on  this  p.  54". 

-  L.  22.     The  Ultra-Shiites  are  excluded  from  Islam  by  all 
10  orthodox  theologians,  comp.  Introduction,  p.   23,  1.  1-2.     I.  H. 

sees  in  this  agreement  of  the  orthodox  the  force  of  an  "ijma'." 

-  L.  24  ff.     The  following  significant  passage  was  first  com- 
municated by  Kremer  (Ideen,  p.   10)   from  the  Vienna    manu- 
script.    Makr.   3624  ff.  reproduces  our  passage  without  giving 

15  credit  to  its  author  (comp.  p.  8,  n.  3).  Ibn  Hazm's  view  on  the 
origin  of  Shiitic  heterodoxy  is  founded  on  the  observation  of  the 
role  played  by  the  Persian  element  in  the  Shiitic  movement,  a  view 
fully  shared  and  frequently  over-emphasized  by  modern  scholars 
(see  Introduction,  p.  3,  note  1).  This  view,  which  conveniently 

20  enough  regards  the  introduction  of  "  giduww"  (see  p.  125)  into 
Islam  as  a  treacherous  act  of  revenge2  on  the  part  of  the  subju- 
gated nationalities,  is  voiced  also  by  other  Muhammedan  writers, 
comp.,  e.  g.,  the  utterance  of  Ibn  al-Athir  VIII,  21  (p.  14'°) 
and  Iji  349.  I.  H.  gives  repeated  expression  to  this  conviction 

25  in  his  Milal^  comparing  the  treachery  of  the  Persians  with  the 
deceitful  attitude  of  the  Jews  towards  Christianity,  the  latter 
having  bribed  the  apostle  Paul  to  smuggle  the  doctrine  of 
"  guluww  "  into  the  new  faith.3  Thus  in  the  chapter  dealing 
with  Christianity  (Ed.  II,  38)  I.  H.  endeavors  to  prove  that  the 

30  Apostles  were  infidels.  "Either  they  sincerely  and  firmly 
believed  in  the  divinity  of  Christ  and  "exaggerated"  on  his 

1  Comp.  Text  531  and  Comm. 

1  The  expression    (»^V<wu^f!  tXx5  is  repeatedly  found  in  this  connection, 

I          ^ 

comp.  Ed.  IV,  2275>  13  and  elsewhere. 

3  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  I.  H.  repeatedly  quotes  the  latter  view  as 
being  held  by  the  Jews  of  his  time. 


Vol.  xxix.]         TJie  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  17 

behalf,  in  the  same  way  as  did  the  Saba'iyya1  and  the  other  sects  [35] 
of  the  Galiya  as  regards  Ali,  or  as  the  Khattabiyya  believed  in  the 
divinity  of  Abu'l-Khattab  (Text  694),  the  adherents  of  al-Hallaj 
(Text  69 1S)   in  the  divinity  of  al-Hallaj  and  the  other  infidels 
among  the  Batiniyya  .  .  .  ,  or  they  were  seduced  by  the  Jews,  5 
as  the  latter  claim,  to  corrupt  the  followers  of  Christ  and  lead 
them  into  error,  in  the  same  way  as  'Abdallah  b.  Saba  the  Him- 
yarite,  al-Mukhtar   b.  Abt  'Obeid,  Abu    'Abdallah    al-'Ajani, 
Abii    Zakariya    al-Khayyat,  Ali  an-Najjar,  Ali   b.  al-Fadl  al- 
Janadi2  and  the  other  emissaries  of  the  Karmatians  and  Shiites3 10 
rose  to  lead  into  error  the  partisans  (Shi 'a)  of  Ali." 

Xext  to  the  Persians,  the  largest  share  in  the  importation  of 
heterodox  doctrines  into  Islam  is  attributed  to  the  Jews,  mainly 
on  the  ground  that  'Abdallah  b.  Saba  (p.  1836  ff.),  the  founder  of 
the  first  Shiitic  sect,  is  said  to  have  been  a  Jew.  Thus  I.  H.,i5 
in  referring  to  the  claim  of  the  Jews  regarding  the  apostle  Paul,4 
thoughtfully  adds  (I,  222):  "This  is  something  which  we  do 
not  consider  improbable  on  their  part.  For  they  tried  the  same 
thing  towards  ourselves  and  our  religion,  although  this  time 
they  failed  to  carry  out  their  cunning.  I  refer  to  'Abdallah  b.  20 
Saba  known  as  Ibn  as-Sauda,5  the  Jew,  the  Himyarite — may 
Allah  ciirse  him! — who  embraced  Islam  in  order  to  lead  into 
error  as  many  Muslims  as  possible.  He  assumed  the  leadership 
of  an  ignoble  party,  who  stood  on  the  side  of  Ali,  so  that  they 
might  profess  the  divinity  of  Ali,  in  the  same  way  as  Paul 25 
became  the  leader6  of  the  followers  of  Christ  that  they  might 
believe  his  divinity.  These  are  now  the  Batiniyya  and  Galiya, 


1  Cod.  L.  (I,  105s)  and  V.  (160")  read  Sababiyya,  see  p.  41". 

2  See  on  most  of  these  men  the  Index. 

3  aLs  \LcLfr.?!,  "proprement  les  Orientaux,  etait  en  Afrique  le  nom  par 

lequel  on  designait  les  Chiites  "  (Dozy  s.  v.). 

4  How  widespread  this  belief  was  can  be  seen   from  the  elaborate 
story,  given  by  Isfr.  (71s)  and  designated  by  him  as  generally  known, 
how  Paul  at  the  instance  of  the  Jews  became  a  Christian,  studied  in 
the  Christian  monasteries  and,  having  gained  their  confidence,  smug- 
gled into  Christianity  the  belief  in  the  Trinity,  etc. 

5  Ed.  I,  2223  ^...^J!  .     The  correct  reading  in  Codd.     See  p.  1836. 

6  Ed.  222-  ^§J) .     L.  V.  correctly  ^j 

^-— '  >— ' 

VOL.   XXIX.  2 


18  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[35]  and  the  least  heretical  among  these  are  the  Imamiyya."     See 
more  on  the  relation  of  Judaism  to  Shiism,  p.  1910  ff. 

—  L.  29.     I  owe  the  explanation  of  these  two  terms  to  a  pri- 
vate communication  of  Professor  Koldeke:   "  Ibn  Hazm's  state- 

i   °\tt  i  °  \it 

sment  with   reference  to  ^Lojl  and  y^al  is  not  quite  exact. 

frUuat  are  not  the  Persians  as  a  whole,  but  those  descendants  of 
the  Persians  (mostly  or  wholly  arabicized)  who  conquered  Yemen 
at  the  time  of  the  great  Chosroes.  In  Yemen  the  '  Abna ' 
were  prominent  as  a  class  during  the  time  of  Muhammed  and 
10  his  immediate  successors.  The  same  name  was  afterwards 
(third  century  H.)  applied  in  'Irak  to  the  descendants  of  the 
Khorasanian  warriors  who  won  the  empire  for  the  Abbasids. — 
Jv^^|  ('the  free  ones ')  properly  designates  the  Persian  nobles, 

(the  IXevOepoi  of   the  Parthians).     About  600  C.  E.  the  poets 
15  apply  this  name  to  the  Persians  in  general,  and  later  writers  use 
the  same  appellation  merely  on  the  basis  of  a  scholarly  tradition." 
See  N5ldeke,    Geschichte  der  Perser  und  Araber  zur  Zeit  der 
Sassaniden,  p.  225,  n.  5  and  342,  n.  7. 
[36]      36,  1.  9.     On  Sunbad  (or  Sinbad)  see  Blochet,  1.  44  f, 

20  -  Ibidem  (note  2).  "The  form  of  the  name  is  still  very 
uncertain.  I  hardly  believe  that  Ustadsis  is  correct.  u^-A^^L^! 
may  represent  many  different  forms  of  an  Iranian  name " 
(Noldeke). 

-  Ibidem.     On  al-Mukanna'  see  Comm.  to  p.  70". 

25  -  Ibidem.  On  Babak  comp.  Fihr.  343  f.  and  notes.  He 
was  crucified  in  Surra-man-ra'a  in  the  year  223h,  Bagd.  107b. 

-  L.  11.      On  Khidash  see  p.  9819.    On  Abu  Muslim,  see  Index. 

-  L.  20-21.     Comp.  Introduction,  p.  22"  f.  and  Text,  p.  7920. 
[37]      37,  1.  2  f.     Fifty  prayers  are  mentioned  in  connection  with 

so  the  Karmatians  and  the  Nuseiriyya,  de  Sacy  CLIV  ult.  and 
footnote,  CLXX.  This  is  apparently  based  on  the  Mohammedan 
legend  according  to  which  Allah  had  originally  prescribed  fifty 
prayers,  but,  yielding  to  Muhammed's  presentations,  reduced 
them  to  five;  comp.  Goldziher,  Jtfuh.  St.  I,  36. — On  'Abdallah 

35  (1.  5)  see  Comm.  to  p.  711. 

—  L.  7.     On  'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  also  known  as  Ibn  as-Sauda, 
see  Ibn  Hazm's  utterances  pp.  1630,  1717  and  passages  in  Index. 
The  identity  of  Ibn  as-Saba  and  Ibn  as-Sauda  is  assumed  by  all 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  19 

Muhammedan  scholars,  except  Bagd.  and  Isf  r.     Tabarl's  account  [37] 
(I  2941 ;  comp.  Wellhausen,   Opp.  91)  differs  in  several  essential 
points  from  the  reports  of  the  theological  writers.     Altogether 
the  data  on  this  enigmatic  personality  are  as  interesting  as  they 
are  conflicting ;  they  deserve  to  be  made  the  subject  of  special  5 
investigation.     He  is  generally  considered  the  founder  of  Shi- 
ism,  and  this,  in  connection  with  his  Jewish  origin,  sufficiently 
explains   the    endeavors    of    the   Muhammedan    theologians   to 
charge  him  with  many  a  heresy  which  developed  in  the  later 
course  of  Shiism.     His  Jewish  birth  was  a  sufficient  pretext  forio 
the  Sunnites  to  brin^  Shiism  in  connection  with  Judaism.     We 

O 

saw  Ibn  Hazm's  remarks  p.  16  f.  Kashi,  in  the  biography  of 
'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  p.  70,  plainly  says:  "On  account  of  this 
the  opponents  of  the  Shi 'a  maintain  that  the  root  of  Shiism  and 

o  —  -* 

Randism  (g>oi  Ju  «X,&.AJ!  ,  see  Appendix  on  Rawafid)  was  taken  15 
over  from  Judaism."     The  famous  theologian  ash-Sha'bi  (died 
103)  is  reported  to  have  drawn  an  elaborate  and  odious  parallel 
between  the  Shiites  and  the  Jews  (Ikd  269).     He  says  among 
other  things,  with  special  reference  to  Ibn  Saba:   "The  Ran  da 
are  the  Jews  of  this  nation.     They  hate  Islam  as  the  Jews  hate  20 
Christianity.     They  embraced  Islam,  not  because  they  longed 
for  it  or  because  they  feared  Allah,  but  because  they  detested 
the  Muslims  and  intended  to  overpower  them." 

On  'Abdallah's  alleged  participation  in  the  uprising  of  'Oth- 
man  see  Wellhausen,  Skizzen  und  Vorarbeiten  VI,  124  f. — On  25 
1.  11  see  p.  100. 

-  L.  12.     On  the  Ismaelites  see  Shahr.  127,  145  f.,  Iji  349, 
IKhald.  I,  362,  Dozy,  Isl.  259  f.,  Kremer,  Ideen  196  f.,  Miiller, 
Islam  I,  588  f.,  Blochet  54  ff. — On  the  various  appellations  of 
the  Isma'iliyya  see  Shahr.  1477  ff.  and  Blochet  50,   n.  1.     See  so 
also  Text  73,  note  1  and  Comm. 

-  L.  13.      On  the  Karmatians  see  Dozy,  Isl.  268  ff.,  Blochet 
61  ff.,  de  Boer  82  f. — A  succinct  presentation  of  their  doctrine, 
de  Goeje,  Carmathes  166  f. 

-  L.  15.     On   Mazdak  see'  Noldeke,    G-eschichte   der  Perserzs 
und  Araber,  p.  455  ff. — Similarly  I.  H.   expresses  himself  Ed. 

I,  3417:  "As  for  the  Mazdakiyya  (written  with  (j>),  they  are 
the  adherents  of  Mazdak  the  Mobad.  They  are  those  who 
believe  in  communism  as  to  property  and  women.  The  Khur- 


20 


I.  Friedlaender,  t1908- 


[37]  ramiyya,  the  adherents  of  Babak,  are  one  of  the  sects  of  the 

Mazdakiyya.     They  are   also   the    secret    (basis)1    of   the  doc- 

trine of  the  Isma'iliyya  and  their  (vital)  element,  as  well  as  of 

those  who  hold  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Karmatians  and  the  Ban  A 

5'Obeid  (mFatimides)." 

[38]  38,  1.  7  #•  The  following-sentences  give  emphatic  expression 
to  the  Zahirite  conviction  of  the  author;  comp.  Goldziher, 
Zahiriten,  p.  202. 

_  L.  15.     The  author  has  apparently  in  view  the  belief  held 

10  in    Shiitic,    as   well   as   in    certain  Sunnitic   quarters,  that  the 

Prophet  bequeathed  to  'Aisha,  Fatima,  'Abbas  or  'Ali,  respec- 

tively, some  mystic  lore;    comp.   Goldziher,  Muh.  St,  II,  118. 

—  L.  18.     Comp.  Ed.  V,  26  penult.  :    "  It  is  firmly  established 

regarding  the  prophet  .  .  that  he  was  sent  to  the  red  and  the  black." 

'  "' 
15  Comp.  Kdmil,  ed.  Wright,  2647    »iU  J    £A^.    Lo 


.. 


_  L.  23.     "As  he  was  commanded,"  see  Koran  5,  71.  —  I.  H. 
uses  the  same  argument  Milal  L   II,  89b   (not   found  in  Ed.) 

ft+JU  Lx> 


20  jy  Lo  y-LDJ  ^Ipd  2  JUi-  JU  ^    U5" 

&JU!  Jyj!  Lo 
JJii  |!AW 

*  -f  ^ 


^ 

Lxi    JJaxi    KLg-s*   u*-lAU  (jLuJU  a 


25  .  ^cJLjJ!  I0v    X-U 

39,  1.  11.  In  accordance  with  his  Zahirite  conviction,  which 
strictly  and  exclusively  adheres  to  the  bare  text  of  the  Koran 
and  the  Hadith,  I.  H.  lays  special  emphasis  on  the  reliability 


1  Ed.  f*H.     L.  and  V.    -co  "  the  worst." 

2  Koran  16,  46. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  21 

of  the  traditionists  ;  comp.  Ed.  II,  7620  ff  .  and  Kremer,  Ideen  [39] 
138  ff. 

40,  1.  11.      "The  Mu'tazilites,  the  Kharijites,  the  Murji'ites  [40] 
and   the    Shiites."     The    same    enumeration    of    Muhammedan 

sects  (comp.  Introduction,  p.  21)  Ed.  IV,  215: 


«-  y^'j  (read   aus».»_»Jtj)   ibjLsUtj   xLxjtj!^   «JI*1M 

-  L.  15  (note  6).     The  words  b&Juu  *-gJ  XAAJ  Y  Lo   I  inter- 

pi-et  in  the  sense  that  nothing  remains  to  these  infidels  to  boast 
of,  beyond  (=  except)  the  infamies  and  lies  to  be  found  in  their  10 

Scriptures.  The  reading  of  L.  and  Br.  LjCtXju  &Lo  V  L*  (with- 
out p-g»J)  I  would  translate:  "beyond  which  (sc.  ^jUdjLH) 

%^ 

no  proof  (is  needed),"  i.  e.,  the  infamies  in  themselves  are 
sufficient  to  impeach  the  infidels.  On  this  meaning  of  tX*J 
see  the  glossary  to  Tabari,  sub  voce.  15 

41,  1.  15.     Characteristic  of  I.   H.'s  truthfulness  (see  Intro-  [41] 
duction,  p.  15)  is  another  utterance  of  his,  Ed.  IV,  10816:   "If 

we  thought  that  dishonest  quoting  was  permissible,  we  should 
use  as  an  argument  (against  the  Shiites)  the  words  reported  (in 
the  name  of  the  Prophet):  'Follow  the  example  of  those  20 
after  me,  viz.,  Abft  Bekr  and  'Omar.'  But  this  (tradition)  is 
not  true,  and  may  Allah  guard  us  from  using  as  an  argument 
anything  that  is  not  true." 

-  L.  17  (note  7).     Comp.  Text  42,  1.   5  and  note  8.     I.  H. 
uses  a  very  similar  phraseology  Ed.  IV,  20719:     "  We  have  here  25 
set  forth  the  depravities  of  the  adherents  of  heresy  (he  refers 
to  the  Murji'ites)  in  order  to  cause  people  to  flee  from  them  and 
to  frighten  away  the  illiterate  among  the  Muslims  from  becom- 
ing familiar  with  them  and  from  thinking  well  of  their  corrupt 
words."  30 

42,  1.  1  f.     The  heresies  referred  to  are  those  of  the  Mu'tazi-  [42] 
lites.     They  are  quoted  as  such  Ed.  IV,  192  (in  the  chapter  on 
the  Mu'tazila).  —  I.   H.   chooses  them  as  specimens  in  his  intro- 
duction because,  in  the  original    disposition    of   the   pamphlet 
against  the  four   heterodox  sects,  which   is    now  incorporated  35 
with  his  Milal^  the  Mu'tazila  occupied  the  first  place.     See  my 


22  I.  friedlaender,  [1908. 

[42]  essay  "Zur  Komposition  von  Ibn  Hazm's  Milal  wa'n-Nihal"  in 
Orientalische  Studien  I,  p.  274  f. 

—  L.  17.     See  Introduction,  p.  22-23. 

—  L.  18.     On  "  Rawafid  "  see  Appendix  A. 

5      43,  1.  1.     The  founder  of  the  Jarudiyya  is  called  with  his  full 

[43]  name  Abu'1-Jarud  Ziyad  b.  al-Mundir  al-'Abdi,  Masudi  V,  474, 

Kashi  150,  Tusy,  p.  146  No.  308,  Shahr.  121  ;  Fihr.  178"  and 

Makr.  352"  assign  to  him  the  additional  Kunya  Abu  'n-Najm. 

Muhammed  al-Bakir  (died  117)  called  him  "Surhub,"  which  is 

10  said  to  designate  "a  blind  devil  dwelling  in  the  sea"   (Kashi, 

Shahr.  119),  because  he  was  born  blind  (Fihr.,  Kashi,  Tusy). 

The  sect  was  accordingly  called  also  the  Surhubiyya  (Kashi). 

As  regards  their  tenets,  the  Jarudiyya  variously  diff  er  from  the 

bulk  of  the  Zeidiyya,  whom  they  regard  as  infidels.     They  share 

15  with  the  latter  the  central  doctrine  that  Muhammed  appointed 
Ali  as  his  successor,  not,  as  the  Imamiyya  maintain,  by  means 
of  a  written  will  which  the  Companions  maliciously  set  aside, 
but  "by  a  description  (of  his  qualities)  without  the  mention  of 


his  name"  (Shahr.:    au+          ,j^J  olo.     But   they  differ 

20  from  them  in  that  they  regard  the  Companions  as  infidels 
because  they  did  not  endeavor  to  find  out  the  man  to  whom  the 
Prophet  referred  and  chose  a  wrong  one  in  his  place.  Accord- 
ing to  Shahr.  118,  Abu'l-Jarud  went  so  far  as  even  to  deny  the 
Imamate  of  Zeid  b.  Ali,  the  founder  of  the  Zeidiyya,  on  the 

25  ground  that  the  latter  considered  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar  legi- 
timate rulers.  Isfr.,  however,  (9a  ult.)  insists  that  the  recogni- 
tion of  Zeid  as  Imam  is  common  to  all  Zeiditic  sects  without 
exception.  It  is  strange  that  I.  H.  should  omit  the  mention  of 
this  typical  heterodoxy  of  the  Jarudiyya:  the  "Takfir  as- 

soSahaba." 

As  to  the  succession  in  the  Imamate,  the  Jarudiyya  agree 
with  the  rest  of  the  Zeidiyya  that  it  is  legitimate  in  the  descend- 
ants both  of  Hasan  and  Husein,  and  in  these  exclusively,  on 
condition  that  they  are  qualified  for  the  Imamate  and  present 

35  their  claims  with  the  sword  in  their  hands.  Of  the  three 
Imams  quoted  in  our  passage  one  is  a  Hasanide,  the  other  two 
Huseinides. 

On  the  Jarudiyya  compare  also  the  account  of  Bagd.  9b. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  23 

-  L.  2  (note  1).     "al-Husein"    is    also   found    Shahr.    118,  [43] 
Iji  352,  Bagd.  17b   (also  elsewhere)  and  Isfr.  12a.     It  is  known 
how  frequently  these  two  names  are  confounded. — Muhammed 
died  at  the  hands  of  'Isa  b.  Musa,  the  governor  of  Kufa  (died 
167),  in  145,  IKot.  192,  Tab.  Ill,  189  ff.  5 

-  Note  7.     On   Radwa   see    p.    363.     Bagd.    17b    calls    the 


locality  tXsi  xx^-U  ^x>  J-*s«-  (with  soft«-  under  the  line)   -=»Li».. 
See  further  Text  6010  and  Comm. 

-  L.  7-8.     The  belief  that  the  Imams  have  not  died  and  will 
reappear  on  earth  is  the  central  tenet  of  the  Ultra-Shi 'a,  andio 
occurs,  as  can  be  seen  in  this  treatise,  in  connection  with  nearly 
every  one  of  their  sects.     This  belief  is  founded  on  two  doctrines 
which  must  have  gained  wide  currency  in  heterodox  Islam  at  a 
very  early  period:  the  one  is  the  Raj 'a  doctrine,  the  other  is  a 
doctrine    derived   from   heterodox    Christian    Docetism.     It   is  15 
necessary  to  gain  a  clear  view  of  these  two  doctrines  in  order 
to  grasp  in  its  full  meaning  the  conception  which  practically  lies 
at  the  bottom  of  all  Shiitic  movements. 

The  doctrine  designated  as   Raj^a l  has   apparently  had   its 
history   and    presents    in    consequence    a    complex    appearance.  20 
Kremer  (Culturgeschichte  unter  den  Chalifen  II,  397),  in  speak- 
ing of  this  doctrine  "which  was  widely  current  among  the  Shi- 
ites  of  the  earliest  period,"  gives  the  following  definition  of  this 
belief:     "For    a    man    to    believe    in    the    'Return'    (Raj 'a) 
amounted  to  the  conviction  that  Ali  would  rise  from  the  dead,  25 
and  that  he  himself  would,  after  a  certain  period  of  time  (as  a 
rule,  after  forty  days),   come  to  life  again."     According  to  the 
national    dictionaries,    Raj 'a    signifies    "the   returning   to   the 
present  state  of  existence  after  death,  before  the  Day  of  Resur- 
rection."    (See   Lane,    sub    voce,    and   the   authorities   quoted  so 
there.)     It  would  thus  appear  that  this  belief  in  returning  to 
life  after  death,  which  was  known  to  the  Arabs  as  early  as  in  the 
time  of   Ignorance   (Lane,  ib.)  applied   to   people    in   general, 
without  reference  to  specific  personalities.     Jabir  b.  Yazid  al- 
Ju'fi  (died  128,  see  p.   86")   believed   in   the    Raj'a,  Muslim,  35 
S'thih  (Cairo  1283)  I,  51.     This  is  more  explicitly  stated    by 

1  The    pronunciation    Rij-a    is    recorded,  although  not  approved  of, 
by  Nawawi  on  Muslim's  Sahih  (Cairo  1283)  I,  51. 


24  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


[43]  Bagd.  18a  ,jl$j  ^JCtXj!  I  jjc 

0     i  <,:£  0^| 

jooLuiJ!  J^i'  LojJI  J!  «i>!jX>Vt  xJt^vJ  uJb.  The  poet  al-Bash- 
shar  b.  Burd  (died  167)  held  the  same  belief,  Agh.  Ill,  24',  and 
this  is  again  explained  by  Bagd.  17a 
5  auoLxaJI  »^j  JuJi  Lo  jJf  J,!  cyljxVI  **-?  (strike  out 

similarl     Isfr.  12a 


J 


y     ^. 

Kuthayyir  (died  105)  expressed  on  his  death-bed  the 
conviction  that  he  would  return  to  life  after  forty  days  on  a 

10  fine  horse  (Agh.  VIII,  33).  ' 

It  seems,  however,  that  this  belief  was,  or  became,  mainly  con- 
nected with  certain  prominent  individuals  who,  by  reason  of 
their  prominence,  deserved  a  return  to  life.  We  find  this  belief 
repeatedly  in  connection  with  Muhammed.  When  Muhammed 

15  had  died,  'Omar  violently  rebuked  those  who  believed  that  the 
Prophet  was  dead,  and  he  gave  emphatic  expression  to  his  belief 
that  he  would  "  return  "  after  forty  days,  "just  as  Moses  had 
done,"  Tab.  I,  1815  f.,  IBab.,  Ithbat  31,  Bagd.  5a  (here  Muham- 
med is  compared  with  Jesus).  'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  the  founder 

20  of  Shiism  (p.  18  f.),  is  said  to  have  believed  in  the  "Return  "  of 
Muhammed.  Referring  to  Koran  28,  85,"  he  argued:  "It  is 
strange  that  people  who  assert  that  Jesus  will  return  should 
deny  that  Muhammed  will  return,  .  .  .  Muhammed  being 
worthier  of  returning  than  Jesus."  "And  he  laid  down  for 

25  them  the  Raj  'a."     Tab.  I,  2941. 

As  a  rule,  the  Raj  'a  belief  is  found  in  connection  with  the 
Imams  of  the  Shi  'a,  in  the  first  place,  of  course,  with  All.  The 

1  This  form  of  Raj  'a  is  probably  the  real  basis  of  the  belief  current 
among  the  Khattabiyya  that  they  will  never  die  (p.  7229).—  An  allusion 

to  this  belief  is  perhaps  found  Agh.  XI,  756:  A  friend  of  'Abdallah  b. 

•  wf. 

Mu'awiya(p.  4411)  was  called  al-Baklf  (p.  465) 


*  Hallaj  composed  a  book  bearing  on  this  verse  under  the  title 
!  J3U  ^Lif!  JLJU  Jy!  ^JJI  ^f  £  (Fihr.  19213). 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  25 

idea  that  All  was  hidden  in  the  clouds,  whence  he  would  return  [43] 
on  earth,  was  very  common  in  Shiitic  circles  (see  p.  4215).     The 
term  Raj  'a  /car'  e^o^v  very    frequently  designates  this    belief; 
comp.   Lisdn  and   Tdj  al-^Artis,  sub  voce,  Nawawi  on  Muslim, 

"~        ~      ~    1  1 

Sahih  I,  51,  Kremer,  Culturgeschichtefo.     Makr.  35411:  &xJL2»..-M  5 
5&tcXcl  jj.x)  p-aJ^oj  ^.JUo  g>\  jjj  J^c.    *^j*^i  ^jjlSUJ!  .     The 
Muhammedan  writers,  with  extremely  few  exceptions,  ascribe 
the   authorship   of   this   belief  to  'Abdallah   b.  Saba.1     Apart 
from  the  ordinary  sources,  see  also  the  interesting  notice  IKhall. 
Xo.  645  (p.  263)  :  al-Kalbi  (died  146)  "was  one  of  the  followers  10 
of  'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  who  maintained  that  Ali  had  not  died  and 
would  return  on  earth."     To  the  references  given  in  the  course 
of  this  treatise  (see  p.  42  f.)  may  also  be  added  Madaini  (died 
about  225/840),  who  reports  that  al-Hasan,  the  son  of  Ali,  pro- 
tested against  the  belief  that  God  would  bring  Ali  to  life  on  15 
earth  before  the  day  of  Resurrection  (ZDMG.  38,  391).     How 
deeply  rooted  this  belief  was  in  the  masses  may  be  seen  from 
the    curious  anecdote    narrated  by  'Abdallah  b.    'Abbas    (Ikd 
269).     A  man  called  on  him  at  a  very  unusual  hour  and  asked 
him:    "When  will  this  man    be   brought  to  life?"  —  "Which  20 
man?"—  "Ali  b.  Abi  Talib."     I  said:   "He  will  not  be  brought 
to  life,  until  God  brings  to  life  those  that  are  in  the  graves." 
He  said:   "You  speak  like  one  of  these  fools."     I  said:   "Take 
him  away  from  me,  may  Allah  curse  him!" 

Next  to  Ali  the   Raj  'a   occurs   in    connection  with   his  son  25 
Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya.     It  was  the  belief  of   the  Keisa- 
niyya,  and  its  famous  champions  were  the  poets  Kuthayyir  and 
as-Sayyid  al-Himyari,  Agh.  VII,  2418,  VIII-,  32s,  33,  34,  XI, 
46";  see  also   Fawdt   al-Wafaydt  I,  24.  8     Ikd  268  designates 

1  On  Tabari's  account  see  above.     Makr.  356  ult.,  with  characteristic 
eclecticism,  combines  both  views.     'Abdallah  b.  Saba  believed 


9  They  believed  at  the  same  time  in  theirown  Raj  'a,  pp.  248and  26".  — 
Kuthayyir,  who  returns  from  a  tour  in  the  region  between  Mekka  and 
Medina,  reports  that  he  has  found  everything  absolutely  unchanged 

x  L       xJ!    «3       Zo.         Xj    Ij^C.     "This  will 


remain  so  till  we  return  to  it  (after  death)."  Perhaps  it  would  be  more 
reasonable  to  read  *£*-vJ  and  to  translate  "  till  he  (Muh.  b.  al-Hanafiyya) 
returns  to  it." 


26  I-  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[43]  the  belief  in  the  "Return"  of  Ibn  al-Hanafiyya  as  the  belief  of 
the  Rawafid  in  general. 

In  the  later  development  of  the  Shi'a  we  find  the  Raj  'a  belief 
in    connection   with    nearly   every    Shiitic   Imam.       Numerous 

5  instances  can  be  gleaned  from  Ibn  Hazm's  and  Shahrastani's 
accounts  on  Shiism.  It  was  the  salient  feature  in  the  contro- 
versies of  the  Shi'a  and  the  belief  which  characterized  the 
Wakifiyya  in  distinction  from  the  Kitti'iyya  (p.  50). 

It  now  remains  for  us  to  state  the  relation  of  the  Raj  'a  doc- 

10  trine  to  the  belief  in  the  Transmigration  of  Souls  (Tanasukh  al- 
Arwah).  This  relation  is  perhaps  best  illustrated  by  the  amus- 
ing anecdote  (told  of  as-Sayyid  al-Himyari,  who  believed  in 
Raj  'a  as  well  as  in  Tanasukh,  1.  26  f.  and  p.  28").  A  man  asked 
as-Sayyid  for  a  loan  of  a  hundred  dinars,  promising  to  repay 

15  them  when  he  (the  debtor)  should  return  to  life.  As-Sayyid 
answered:  "Yes,  and  even  more  than  that,  if  you  will  give  me 
a  guarantee  that  you  will  return  as  a  man."  He  said:  "How 
else  can  I  return  "  ?  as-Sayyid  said  :  "I  am  afraid  that  you  will 
return  as  a  dog  or  as  a  pig,  and  my  money  will  be  lost."  {Ayh. 

20  VII,  8.  See  the  same  anecdote  with  a  few  variations  Fawdt  al- 
Wafaydt  I,  25).  The  former  possibility  is  Raj  'a,  the  latter 
Tanasukh;  in  other  words,  Raj  'a  signifies  the  return  as  the  same 
person,  Tanasukh  the  return  as  a  different  being.  The  two  con- 
ceptions, though  related  to  one  another  and,  in  consequence, 

25  often  found  side  by  side,  are  by  no  means  identical  and  are  dis- 
tinctly kept  asunder.  Kuthayyir,  as  well  as  as-Sayyid,  believed 
not  only  in  Raj  'a  but  also  in  Tanasukh  (Agh.  VIII,  27';  he 
claims  to  be  the  Prophet  Jona,  ib.  34).  But  it  is  expressly 
stated  that  he  believed  "in  Raj  'a  and  Tanasukh"  (Agh.  VIII, 

so  27-).  In  the  same  way  both  expressions  are  found  side  by  side 
Shahr.  12513,  132".  Makr.  (354°),.  who  enumerates  a  sect  of 

Raj'iyya  (see  above),  mentions  in  the  same  passage  a 


UAJ    fJtyW    (jl    (JJ-12L&M.     Ibn    Babuye,  who    staunchly 
defends  Raj'a,1  violently  rejects  Tanasukh  (see  p.  751).     Only  in 


In  a  special  chapter  on  Raj  'a,  I'tikadat  12b:  L£J!  JUs>J! 

He  promises  to  write  a  special  book  on  the  subject  which  may  be 
identical  with  his  Ithbat  al-gaiba.     Mirza  46b  makes  the  Imamites  respon- 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  27 

a  few  isolated  instances  do  the  two  terms  seem  to  be  used  as  syno-  [43] 
nyms.     Thus  IKhald.  (II,  164)  says  ^  auuLj 


^°  "in  a  kind  of  Trans- 

migration or  in  reality,"  i.  e.,  returning  in  spirit  as  a  different 
being,  or  as  the  same  person.  The  same  close  contact  between  5 
the  two  conceptions  is  apparently  assumed,  ib.  II,  169.  *  Makr. 
3574  contradicts  his  own  previous  statements  when  he  says: 
"From  him  (i.  e.,  'Abdallah  b.  Saba)  they  also  took  over  the 
belief  in  the  concealment2  of  the  Imam  and  the  belief  in  his 
return  after  death  on  earth,  in  the  same  way  as  the  Imamiyya  10 
till  this  day  believe  it  of  "the  man  of  the  cellar,"3  and  this  is 
the  belief  in  TandsuJch  al-Arwdh."  Apart  from  these  instances, 
which  are  otherwise  not  very  striking,  the  two  ideas  are  clearly 
separated  from  one  another.4 

sible  for  this  attitude  of  Ibn  Babuye  :    JyiJ!  aLxJ 

'  )  ** 

&J*Aj    ^jJ    cX+J?    jy^AA^V     JULwj 


1  The  Prophet  says  to  Ali  :  "  Thou  art  its  (this  nation's)  Du'1-Karnein 
(Alexander  the  Great)."  See  de  Slane's  translation,  II,  196,  note  4,  and 
Comm.  p.  28.  note  1  towards  the  end. 

8  1  read  aUxxj  instead  of   aujyb  . 

3  The  twelfth  Imam,  the  Mahdi. 

4  We  have  dwelt  on  this  point  at  some  length  because  Wellhausen, 
Opp.  93,  denies  the  explanation  set  forth  above,  and  insists  that  Raj  'a  is 
originally  identical  with  Tanasukh,   and  that    the    meaning  usually 
attached  to  it  is  a  later  development.     His  contention,  however,  practi- 
cally rests  on  a  single  passage  (Agh.  VIII,  34)  which,  even  if  taken  in 
Wellhausen's  interpretation,  cannot  stand  against  the  numerous  pas- 
sages to  the  contrary.     But  the  passage  in  question  does  not  necessarily 
prove  Wellhausen's  assertion.    We  are  told  that  Kuthayyir  used  to  give 
money  to  the  little  sons  of  Hasan  b.  Hasan  (b.  Ali  ;  not,  as  Wellhausen 
erroneously  has  it,  "Hasan  and  Husein")  and  to  call  them   "little 

prophets  "  :  RJUS.  Jb  ,.v°*J  <J^J  (similarly  on  the  same  page  before). 
Wellhausen  assumes  that  these  words  are  meant  to  explain  Kuthayyir's 


28  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[43]      It  can  be  seen  from  the  preceding  expositions  that  Raj  'a  as 

such  leaves  the  question  open  whether  the  Imam  had  really  died, 

or  whether  he  had  merely  disappeared  and  abides  in  concealment 

pending  his  reappearance.     On  the   strength  of   the  instances 

5  quoted  above  one  is  inclined  to  assume  that  the  former  belief  is 

the  original  one,  while  the  latter  is  the  later  but  the  more  popular 

one.     It  is  in  this  form  —  as  a  correlative  of  "gaiba"  ("con- 

cealment" of   the    Imam)  —  that   Raj  'a  became  a  predominant 

factor  in  Shiism  and  still  is  the  official  belief  of  the  Shiites  of 

10  today.1 

action,  which  can  only  have  been  the  outcome  of  his  belief  in  the  Trans- 
migration of  Souls,  and  that  consequently  the  two  beliefs  are  identical. 
That  Kuthayyir  was  an  adept  of  Metempsychosis  is  repeatedly  stated 
in  Agh.  (see  in  the  text  above).  But  the  construction  put  on  the 
explanatory  words  is  not  irrefutable.  On  the  same  page  a  similar 
action  of  Kuthayyir  (he  hugs  Mu'awiya  b.  'Abdallah  b.  Ja'far  (see 
p.  45),  who  was  a  schoolboy  at  the  time,  and  calls  him  a  little  prophet) 
is  recorded  without  the  explanation  appended  here.  The  "words  (-jLS^ 

O     wti  £• 

s»  w  w  .  .»jo«_5  may  signify  here  as  little  as  in  the  statement  regarding 


as-Sayyid  (Agh.  VII,  24>«)    **=*  Jb  ,j"*£>j  ~U>t    V;A>  •     In 

cases  the  explanatory  remark  may  simply  mean  to  imply  that  the 
man  in  question  was  an  abominable  heretic,  the  belief  in  Raj  'a  being 
*  regarded  as  a  sign  of  extreme  heterodoxy  (comp.  Agh.  Ill,  249).  At  any 
rate,  the  weight  of  the  passage  referred  to  by  Wellhausen  is  largely 
counterbalanced  by  the  statement,  Agh  VIII,  277.  that  Kuthayyir 
believed  in  "Raj'a  and  Tanasukh,"  where  the  two  ideas  appear  as  dis- 
tinctly different. 

1  By  way  of  appendix  a  few  isolated  usages  of  the  term  Raj'a  may 
find  place  here.  Extremely  interesting,  but  somewhat  obscure,  is  the 
passage  Agh.  Ill,  188.  Omayya  b.  AM  Salt,  who  is  anxious  to  become 
a  prophet,  goes  to  Syria  and  repeatedly  enters  a  church,  while  his  com- 
panions have  to  wait  outside.  A  monk  who  lives  in  that  church  had 
told  him  that  there  were  to  be  six  Raj'at  (see  the  remark  on  the  margin 
of  Agh.)  after  Jesus,  of  which  five  had  already  come  to  pass.  When 
he  comes  another  time,  he  is  told  by  the  monk  :  "  The  Raj'a  has  already 
come  and  a  prophet  has  been  sent  from  among  the  Arabs."  Thereupon 
he  gives  up  his  prophetic  ambitions.  —  A  very  peculiar  interpretation  of 
the  Raj'a  belief  is  found  Mirza  46b,  but,  in  view  of  the  polemical  tend- 
ency of  his  treatise,  this  interpretation  may  only  reflect  his  own  indi- 

vidual conception  of    the  Shiitic  doctrine.     He  says:     .«jo 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  29 

This  conception,  which  regards  the  death  of  the  Imams  as  a  [43] 
mere  disappearance,  indispensably  needs  a    complement  which 
should  account  for  the  fact  of  their  apparent  death,  the  more 
so  as  the  Imams  of  the  Shi  'a,  with  scarcely  any  exception,  all 
died  an  unnatural  death.     This    complement  is  supplied  by  a  5 
heterodox  Christian  doctrine  borrowed  from  Docetism.1     It  can- 
not be  our  task  here  to  trace  the  influence  of  Docetism  on  Islam. 
But  it  seems  highly  probable  that-  this  doctrine   came  to  the 
Muslims  through  the  medium  of   Manichaeism,  which  adopted 
this  belief  and  gave  it  a  definite  shape.      "The  Jesus   of  theio 
Manichaeans  then  had  no  objective  reality  as  man.     His  whole 
human  appearance,  birth  and  baptism  were  a  mere  apparition, 
and  so  were  his  sufferings.     For  it  was  not  he  who  was  really 
crucified,  but  it  was  an  emissary  of  the  devil  who  tried  to  frus- 
trate the  instructive  activity  of  Jesus,  and  who,  as  a  punish-  is 
ment  for  his  wickedness,  was  fastened  to  the    cross   by  Jesus 
himself"    (Kessler,    Article    "Manichaer,"    PRE3,    XII,    218. 
Comp.  Fliigel,  Mani,  124,  336  f.). 


Jo 

[47-] 


<r 

°  '  *  •  y» 

JUis  eAj^fcXJl  v_>j(3l5Vl  stXJO  ,i    ab-oLlJ! 
•v          >— "-  -7 

t.    Jo  U! .— The  word  is  used  by  lira  Hazm  (Ed.  I,  1395) 


to  indicate  the  return  (of  a  nation)  to  its  former  state  of  power  and 
prosperity:    5*>«Ji 


.wo  *_g-k**.Aj!    M«.A4.j»  .     But  the  word  can  scarcely  be  said  to 

have  the  meaning  of  a  technical  term.  —  Fictitious  is  the  meaning 
ascribed  to  the  word  by  de  Slaue  (Prolegomenes  d'Ibn  Khaldoun  II,  196 
note  5):  a  new  period  of  time  during  which  every  past  event  will  return, 
or  repeat  itself.  The  passage  referred  to  proves  nothing  of  the  kind. 

£ 
It  merely  says  c>jl^  Lx>  J!  )*x>VI  p+?>)  which  has  nothing  to  do  with 

the  term  Raj'a.  In  Ibn  Khaldun's  text  (II,  169)  the  meaning  of  the 
word  is  probably  close  to  that  of  Transmigration  of  Souls,  see  p.  276. 

1  On  Docetism  see   Harnack,   Lehrbuch  der  Dogmengeschichte  (2nd 
ed.)  I,  164,  and  the  passages  specified  there  in  the  index. 


30  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

» 

[43]  This  docetic  belief,  which  afforded  a  satisfactory  explanation 
of  the  alleged  death  of  the  Shiitic  Imams,  was  readily  adopted 
by  the  radical  Shiites,  and  it  often  occurs  in  the  very  same  form 
which  Manichaeism  had  given  it  :  that  not  the  Imam  was  really 

/  "          G  I  t     "-  \ 

5  killed,  but  a  devil  who  assumed  his  shape  (&i\j~oJ  ^j-^-5  (j^V**)- 

We  find  this  belief  in  connection  with  nearly  every  Imam  of  the 
Ultra-Shiites.  On  its  application  to  Ali,  which  is  undoubtedly 
historical,  see  p.  43  f.  Bagd.  and  Isfr.  mention  this  theory  in 
connection  with  the  following  Imams  :  Ali  (in  the  name  of 

10  'Abdallah  b.  Saba)  Bagd.  94%  Isfr.  55b  f  .  ;  Abu  Muslim  (see 
Index),  Bagd.  100%  Isfr.  59a;  Muhammed  b.  'Abdallah  b.  al- 
Hasan  b.  al-Hasan  (p.  87),  Bagd.  18af.,  97a;  Hallaj  (Text6918), 
who  is  said  to  have  stamped  his  features  on  someone  else,  Bagd. 
102%  Isfr.  61b.  The  Imamites  who  believe  in  the  '  '  return  "  of  the 

is  twelfth  Imam,  the  only  one  who  was  not  murdered  (at  least 
according  to  the  Imamitic  belief),  and  therefore  insist  that  the 
preceding  Imams  are  really  dead,  have  no  room  for  this  belief. 
But  it  can  be  seen  from  the  polemics  of  Ibn  Babuye  that  this 
docetic  belief  was  widespread  in  Shiitic  circles.  After  having 

20  described  the  manner  of  (violent)  death  of  the  eleven  Imams  — 
a  favorite  topic  in  Imamitic  works  —  IBab.  thus  sums  up  his 

O  55  o  S 

position  (I'tikadat  23d*,  in  the  chapter  ija.)*JiXj\j  «-liJ!  ^sj  ^): 


Jo 


.  owJ 

This  docetic  belief,  in  conjunction  with  the  Raj  'a  doctrine, 
enabled  the  Ultra-Shiites  to  assume  a  position  which  made  them 
30  practically  invincible.  The  former  made  their  Imams  invulner- 
able: they  were  immune  from  death  or  murder.  The  latter 
made  them  immortal  and  carried  over  their  living  influence  to 
posterity. 

-  L.  9.     \^  ox^Li  1*5"  Y<Xc  \jo}i\  ^L*j  ^A^.  .     This  phrase, 
35  as  is  well  known,  forms  a  part  of  the  Mahdi  tradition,  IKhald. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  31 

II,   142  ff.  ;    Snouck    Hurgronje,  Der  Mahcli  p.  13  ff.     Apart  [43] 
from  this  generally  accepted  form  of  the  hadith,  we  also  meet 

with  the  variant 


IKhald.    II,    1494;    IBab.,    Ithbat   35,    Diyarbekri    II, 
288;  Abu'l-Mahasin  (Leyden,  1855)  I,  243V     Bagd.  repeatedly  5 


quotes  the  reading  >iH~frJ  instead  of  ^*J.  One  might  think  of 
a  scribal  error.  But  the  following  story  (Bagd.  96b)  makes  this 
supposition  impossible.  Mugira  b.  Sa'id  (p.  79  ff.)  acknowledged 
Muhammed  b.  'Abdallah  as  Imam.  But  when  the  latter  was 
killed,  Mugira  was  cursed  by  his  followers,  who  maintained  10 

au! 


£   j  \jo 

See  also  fol.  9b  and  Isfr.  12%  who  gives  on  the  same  page  the 
conventional  form  of  the  Mahdi  tradition. 

-  L.  10.     I  have  restored  Yahya's  genealogy  with  the  help  of  15 
Gen.  Leyd.     Comp.  Tab.  Ill,  151516  note  i^and  140316  (Addit.), 
where  the  editor  equally  substitutes  Husein  (not  a/-Husein,  as  he 
expressly  remarks).     Iji  3521    has   Yahya   b.    'Omeir.  —  Yahya 
\\as  killed  during  the  reign  of  al-Musta'in  in  250h,  Tab.  Ill, 
1515  ff.,  Shahr.   119.     The  general   of   the  Zenj   (p.   98°)  pre-20 
tended  to  be  this  Yahya,  Tab.  Ill,  1745s  (anno  255). 

-  L.  12  ff.     The  same  fact  is  recorded  Tab.  Ill,  1518s  fci 


. 

..^J  J^tU.Aw!  ^.j  ^AA»*s.f  .     Muhammed  b. 
'Abdallah  was  appointed  Sahib  ash-Shortah  of  Bagdad  in  237h,  25 
Tab.   Ill,    14108,2   IKhall.  No.   366    (in   the    biography  of   his 
brother  and  successor  'Obeidallah).     His  pedigree,  as  given  in 
our  text  and  confirmed  by  Tab.   and   IKhall.    (who  deals  bio- 


1  Masudi  V.  181  gives  also  the  variant  K...S.. 


2  This  Muhammed  cannot  very  well  be  identical  with  the  one  men- 
tioned Tab.  Ill,  1314"  who  died  eleven  years  earlier.  They  are  erro- 
neously identified  in  the  Tabari  index.  In  the  last  mentioned  passage 
S-Ut  tXc  .j  is  to  be  struck  out  with  Cod.  C. 


32  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[43 J  graphically  with  everyone  of  his  ancestors),  is  absolutely  assured. 
Just  as  certain  is  the  genealogy  of  Husein  b.  Isma'il,  whose 
uncle,  Ishak  b.  Ibrahim  (1.  16),  accepted  a  prominent  post  in  the 
police  of  Bagdad  in  207h,  Tab.  Ill,  1062". '  Under  these  circum- 

5  stances  it  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  apposition  *+£•  ^-i! 
"the  son  of  his  paternal  uncle"  (1.  15).  Perhaps  our  author 
confounds  the  fact  mentioned  here  with  the  one  recorded  Tab. 
Ill,  140510  (anno  236),  that  Muhammed,  the  son  of  Ishak  b. 
Ibrahim,  dispatched  Husein  b.  Isma'il,  this  time  his  real  cousin, 
10  to  put  down  a  rebellion  in  Faris.  Another  not  impossible, 

though  less  probable,  solution  would  be  to  explain  *-£•  ^-?'  as  a 
cousin  of  a  remoter  degree, — in  this  case  a  third  cousin.  Thus 
Tab.  I,  510  (— lAth.  I,  142)  Moses  is  called  the  '"amm"  of 
Phinehas.  So  far  the  reading  of  L.  Br. — As  for  the  genealogy 
is  given  in  Ed.  and  the  other  codices,2  it  can  scarcely  be  correct 

and  seems  to  be  an  attempt  to  explain  *•£  ,-jJi  • 
[44]      44,  1.   1.     The    genealogy  as  given  in  our  text  is  confirmed 

by   Gen.    Leyd.,    Ya'kubi    II,    576,    and    Masudi,    VII,    116. 

Elsewhere    Muhammed's    genealogy    frequently   appears    in    a 
20 mutilated  shape.     IKhald.   I,  361   (also  de  Slane's  translation) 

has  one  link  too  much  (Muh.   b.   Kasini  b.  AH  b.  Ali  (sic)  b. 

'Omar).     Tab.  Ill,  1165  and  lAth.  VI,  312  have  one  link  too 

little  (Muh.  b,Kasim  b.  'Omar).     Shahr.  118  penult,  and  Iji  352 

even  omit  two  links  (Muh.  b.   K.  b.  Ali  b.  al-Husein  b:  Ali  b. 
25  A.  T.).     Muhammed  was  sent  to  prison  by  Mu'tasim  in  219, 

!  The  relation  of  the  three  men  mentioned  in  our  text  presents  itself 
as  follows  : 

Mus'ab 


al-Husein  Ibrahim 


Tahir  Isma'il  Ish&k 

'Abdallah      al-Husein    Muhammed 

I 
Muhammed 

al-Husein 


Tahir  Isma'il 

I  I 

'Abdallah  al- Hasan 

I  (sic) 

Muhammed 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  33 

and  he  died  there,  Tab.,  Masudi,  Shahr.     According  to  Masudi  [44] 
(VII,  117),  there  were  many  Zeidites  at  the  time  he  was  writ- 
ing his  history  (332h)  who  believed  in  the  "return"   (Raj  'a)  of 
Muhammed.     His  followers  were  especially  numerous  in  Kufa, 
Tabaristan  and  Deilam.  5 

-  L.  6  ff.  Ibn  Hazm's  references  to  the  Keisdniyya,  which 
are  frequent,  though  brief,  substantially  enrich  our  knowledge 
of  this  important  sect.  This  at  once  shows  itself  in  the  explana- 
tion of  the  name,  which  is  the  only  correct  one  among  the 
numerous  interpretations  offered  by  other  writers.  The  con-io 
ventional  explanation  derives  the  name  from  Keisan,  which  is 
declared  to  have  been  a  nickname  of  Mukhtar  (p.  7917),  so  the 
Dictionaries:  Jauhari  (comp.  IKhall.  No.  570),  Kamti,s,  Lisdn 
and  TCtj  al-lArds,  sub  voce  ^L*^;  IKot.  300,  Ikd  269", 
Makr.  351^  (==de  Sacy  II,  592),  Bagd.  llb.  On  the  other  is 
hand,  endeavors  were  made  to  connect  the  founder  of  this  sect  in 
some  way  with  Ali,  or  with  his  son  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya, 
whom  the  Keisaniyya  regard  as  his  successor  and  the  heir  of 
his  mystic  knowledge  (a  point  on  which  this  sect  lays  great 
stress).  As  there  was  a  maula  of  Ali  named  Keisan  (he  falls,  20 
while  defending  his  master,  in  the  battle  of  Siffin,  Tab.  I,  3293 
=  IAth.  Ill,  247),  he  was  declared  the  founder  of  the  Keisa- 
niyya and  the  disciple  of  Ali,  or  of  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya, 
in  the  lore  of  mysticism,  see  Shahr.  (who  distinguishes  between 
the  Keisaniyya  and  the  Mukhtariyya),  similarly  Abu'l-Maali  25 
157,  IKhall.  ib.  (who  also  quotes  the  preceding  explanation, 
with  the  confession  *-Le!  *<Ut}),  IKhald.  I,  357,  '  Makr.  ib., 
Kremer,  Ideen  375.  An  attempt  to  reconcile  both  derivations 
is  the  interpretation  quoted  by  Bagd.  (llb)  "that  Mukhtdr 
acquired  his  heterodox  opinions  from  a  maula  of  Ali  by  the  name  so 
of  Kelson"  or  the  explanation  recorded  by  Kashi  75  that 
Mukhtar  was  called  Keisan  after  Ali's  maula,  "who  induced 
him  to  seek  revenge  for  al-Husein's  blood  and  pointed  out  to 
him  his  murderers."  Closest  to  the  facts  is  Masudi  V,  180: 
"They  were  called  Keisaniyya  because  of  their  relation  toss 


1  The  suffix  in  »V^°  literally  refers  to  Muh.  b.  al-Hanafiyya,  and  so  it 
is  taken  by  de  Slane,  p.  403.     In  accordance  with  our  expositions,  how- 
ever, the  suffix  must  be  referred  to  Ali,  who  is  mentioned  a  little  earlier. 
VOL.  xxix.  3 


34  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[44]  al-Mukhtar  b.  Abi  'Obeid  ath-Thakafi,  whose  name  was  Keisan 
and  whose  kunya  was  Abu  'Omra  .  .  .  Some  of  them,  /tow- 
ever,  hold  that  Keisdn  Abti  ''Omra  is  not  identical  irifh 
al-Mukhtdr"  (he  refers  for  further  information  to  his  Makalat). 
5  The  only  correct  explanation  is  the  one  offered  by  Ibn  Ila/.m 
(here  and  Text,  p.  77"),  who  designates  Keisan  Abu  'Omra  as 
the  follower  (sahib)  of  Mukhtar.  The  person  referred  to  is 
Keisan,  the  chief  of  Mukhtar's  body-guard,  Tab.  II,  6711  (  = 
lAth.  IV,  187).  '  He  was  a  maula  of  the  'Oreina,  a  clan  of  the 

10  Southern  Bajila  (Wiistenfeld,  Tabellen,  916),  and  stood  at  the 
head  of  the  Mawali.  As  the  latter  were  the  main  actors  in 
Mukhtar's  uprising  (comp.  especially  the  characteristic  notice 
Tab.  II,  6512),  the  sect,  which  first  asserted  itself  on  this  occa- 
sion, received  its  name  (perhaps  as  a  nomen  odiosum)  from  the 

15  leader  of  the  Mawali.2 

So  far  the  name  of  the  sect.  As  for  its  tenets,  they  contain 
elements  both  of  the  Zeiditic  and  the  Imamitic  creed,  a  circum- 
stance which  renders  the  classification  of  the  Keisaniyya  within 
the  bipartite  division  of  Shiism  extremely  difficult.  Their  cardi- 

20nal  doctrine  is  the  recognition  of  the  Imamate  of  Muhammed  b. 
al-Hanafiyya.  But  while  agreeing  with  the  Zeidiyya  in  reject- 
ing the  strictly  legitimate  principle  in  the  Imamate  and  basing 
the  claims  of  the  Imam  on  his  personal  qualifications,3  they 
strongly  emphasize  with  the  Imamiyya  his  supernatural  knowl- 

25  edge  of  mystic  lore."  In  consequence  of  this  ambiguous  position, 
the  theologians  often  count  the  Keisaniyya  as  an  independent 
sect,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  Zeidiyya  and  Imamiyya,  thus, 
e.  g.,  Shahr.  109,  Bagd;  9b,  Isfr.  ?a.  The  latter  two,  however, 
become  unfaithful  to  their  own  classification  and  occasionall 


so  reckon  the  Keisaniyya  among  the  Imamiyya:  ^.tXxJ  iLow*AxL 
aUx»L*Y!  £  Isfr.  14b  (the  same  Bagd.).     I.  H.,  too,  appears  to 

1  Kashi  75  strangely  misses  the  point  when  he  states  that  Mukhtar  was 
called    Keisan   "after  his  sahib  ash-Shor^ah  whose  kunya  was  Abu 
'Omra  and  whose  name  was  Keisan."    See  his  other  explanation  above. 

2  Comp.  Wellhausen,  Opp.  89,  and  the  footnote. 

3  Ibn   Hazm  can  scarcely  he  correct  when  he  incidentally  remarks 
(Ed.  IV,  1034)  that  according  to  the  Keisaniyya,  Muhammed  b.  al-Hana- 

fiyya was  Imam  through  a  written  statement 

4  Van  Vloten,  Chiitisme,  p.  41-42. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  35 

waver   on    this    point.1     While   in    our    passage    he    expressly  [44] 
designates  them  as  a  branch  of  the  Zeidiyya  —  and  he  is  the  more 
justified  in  doing  so,  as,  in  distinction  from  all  other  writers, 
he  regards  as  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  the  Zeidiyya  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  Imamate  in  all  the  descendants  of  All  (not  Fatima),2  —  5 
he  counts  them  repeatedly  (Text  4514,  5312,  5411)  among  the  sects 
of  the  Imamiyya. 

After  the  death  of  Muh.  b.  al-Hanafiyya,  the  Keisfmiyya  fell 
asunder  into  a  number  of  factions.     The  most  important  of  these 
was  the  Hdshimiyya,  which  transferred  the  Imamate  to  his  son  10 
Abu  Hashim  and  considered  him  the  heir  of  his  father's  mystic 
knowledge,    Shahr.    112.     Abu   Hashim   having   died  without 
offspring,    the    Hashimiyya  were   again    divided   into   a   large 
number   of   factions,  which   assigned  the   Imamate  to  various 
pretenders.      Only    a   fraction   of    the    Keisaniyya,    stimulated  is 
by  the  mystery  that  surrounded  Muh.'s  death,3  denied  his  death 
altogether,  and   believed  that   he    was   hidden   in   the   Radwa 
mountains,    whence   he    would    "return."     This    belief,    as   is 
well-known,    found   its   poetical    expression   through    Kuthay- 
yir  and  as-Sayyid,  and  became  through  them  known  as  specific-  23 
ally  Keisanitic.4     A  notice  by  Bagd.  (llb)  has  luckily  preserved 


the  name  of   the  originator  of  this  belief:    ..vJJ!    i^j'jJCj     *J' 


1  See  Introduction,  p.  23. 

2  See  Introd.,  p.  23,  and  Text,  p.  751-8,  5811  and  Comm. 

3  The  year  of  his  death  fluctuates  between  80  and  114 !    See  IKot.  Ill, 
Masudi  V,  267,  IKhall.  No.  570,  and  especially  Nawawl,  Tahdib  113. 
The  same  uncertainty  exists  as  regards  the  place  of  his  death.     See  the 
above-mentioned  sources  and  Barbier  de  Meynard  in  Journal  Asiatique, 
1874,  p.  165. 

4  The  dogmatic  historians  are  very  well  aware  of  these  differences 
within  the  Keisaniyya.     See  also  Istakhri  21  (-IHaukal  28),  Yakut  II,. 
79030.  Masudi  V,  180. 


36  I.  Friedlaender,  ]1908. 

[44] 


Similarly  Isfr.  10".' 

The  Radwa  mountain  (or  rather  mountains)  is  situated  at  a 
distance  of  seven  days  from  Medina,  Yakut  II,  790.  It  was 

5  considered  extremely  fertile,  and  was  believed  to  be  one  of  the 
mountains  of  Paradise." 

The  individual  traits,  with  which  the  belief  in  Ibn  al-IIana- 
fiyya's  sojourn  in  Radwa  has  been  embellished,  are  properly  intel- 
ligible only  when  we  bear  in  mind  their  origin,  as  well  as  the 

10  origin  of  the  underlying  conception,  which  is  no  other  than  the 
Messianic  idea.  On  the  overwhelming  influence  of  this  idea 
over  Islam,  see  de  Sacy  XXXI  ff  .  ,  van  Vloten,  Chiitisme  54  ff  . 
and  my  essay  "Die  Messiasidee  im  Islam"  (in  Festschrift  zmn 
siebzigsten  Geburtstage  A.  Berliner's,  Frankfurt  a.  M.  1903,  pp. 

15116-130,  especially  121  ff.  and  127).  This  influence  also  shows 
itself  in  numerous  minor  details  which  the  Muhammedan  theolo- 
gians, being  unaware  of  their  origin,  were  bound  to  misunder- 
stand, and  which  they  in  consequence  purposely  modified.  A 
striking  example  of  this  tendency  is  offered,  in  our  opinion,  by 

20  the  detail,  also  recorded  by  I.  H.,  that  Ibn  al-Hanafiyya  was  sur- 
rounded by  beasts  of  prey.  The  original  significance  of  this 
conception  can  scarcely  be  doubtful  when  examined  in  the 
form  in  which  it  appears  in  a  poem  of  as-Sayyid  (Agh.  VII,  4). 
In  view  of  the  importance  of  the  question,  I  quote  the  decisive 

25  verses   in   the  original,  adding  the  vowels  and  a  translation  : 

1  Makr.  8521  says  briefly  ^1  J^L? 

j»Lx»y!    «J6«  OA.4.J  *J      a.  au^A^I  .     Still  briefer  Abu'l-Maali 


158  fiY  VTiS1?  V3'  xojM.—  Isthis  AbuKarb,  of  whom 
nothing  else  is  known,  identical  perhaps  with  j^.^XlM  «jt,  whom  Ali 
banished  for  his  extravagant  doctrines,  Ikd  269  ? 

2  Interesting  in  this  connection  is  Burton's  remark  (Pilgrimage  to 
al-Medinah  and  Mecca,  ed.  1898,  I,  222)  :  "I  heard  much  of  its  val- 
leys and  fruits  and  bubbling  springs,  but  afterward  I  learned  to 
rank  these  tales  with  the  superstitious  legends  attached  to  it.  Gazing 
at  its  bare  and  ghastly  heights,  one  of  our  party,  whose  wit  was  soured 
by  the  want  of  fresh  bread,  surlily  remarked  that  such  a  heap  of  ugli- 
ness deserved  ejection  from  heaven,  an  irreverence  too  public  to  escape 
general  denunciation." 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  37 


rr  - 

r;' 


"Years  and  months  (has  Ibn  al-Hanafiyya  been  hidden).     But  5 
he  can  be  seen  in  Radwa  in  a  glen  among  leopards  and  lions. 
He  resides  between  land  marks  (?)/  while  big-eyed  kine  and 
the  young  ones  of  ostriches  walk  about  at  evening  tide  in  the 
company  of  speckled  goats.     Together  with  them  graze  beasts 
of  prey.     Yet  none  of  them  attacks  them  to  tear  them  with  the  10 
point  (of  their  teeth?).     They  (the  tame  animals)  are  through 
him2  secure  from  destruction,  and  they  feed  together  without 
fear  on  the  same  meadow  and  at  the  same  drinking  place." 

There  is  no  need  to  prove  that  this  description  is  a  reflex  of 
the  Messianic  prophecy  Isa.  11,  and  the  parallel  is  far  more  strik-  15 
ing  when  we  take  into  consideration  the  orthodox  Muhammedan 
belief  that  at  the  end  of  Time,  when  Jesus  shall  have  re-appeared 
and  introduced  the  Golden  Age,  "lions  and  camels,  tigers  and 
oxen,   wolves   and   lambs  will   graze  peacefully  together,    and 
boys  will  play  with   snakes  without  danger."3     This  original  20 
idea  of  the  eternal  peace  extending  over  the  wild  animals  can 
still  be  discerned  in  I.  H.'s  words,  if  we  vocalize  (Ed.  IV,  17921) 

Go'        -  s  o  ^ 

-»J  S«V«MJ  j-j-fr}  tX*J  **£+J  \-f£-  and  thus  read  the  plural,  which 
is  also  found  in  as-Sayyid's  poem  (first  line  of  our  quotation).4 
In  any  event,  the  Messianic  character  of  this    conception  was  25 
misunderstood.     The  wild  animals  were  taken  to  be  the  guard- 
ians of  Ibn  al-H.     The  plural  was  accordingly  substituted  by 

1  Comp.  Lane  s.v.  *J  . 

r> 

2  Through  Muh.  b.  al-H.     If  the  suffix  referred  to  (->iu£,  we  should 

expect  aui,  not  xj.     [See,  however,  p.  38,  n.  1.] 

3  Snouck-Hurgronje,  Der  Mahdi,  p.  9. 

4  In  our  translation,  p.  4410f.,  we  have  followed  the  ordinary  concep- 
tion. 


38  I-  Friedlaender, 


[44]  the  singular,  and  in  explanation  the  dual  xjlk^sx.?  was  added, 
which  gives  an  entirely  different  appearance  to  the  whole 
description,  thus,  e.  g.,  Shahr.  Ill  penult.,  Fcnrat  al-Wafu;/<it 
I,  24,  Bagd.  llb,  Isfr.  10a. 

5     The  other  details  recorded  in  this  paragraph  equally  show  traces 
of  the  Messianic  idea. 

"  Conversing  with  angels"   (1.  11)  has  its  source  apparently 

in   the  words  of   as-Sayyid  (Agh.  VIII,  32,  Masudi   V,  183) 

j  > 

Uo^jOt  xJo^LJf   &jL£k.fJ>.     The    Messias   residing   in    Paradise 

io(comp.  Bet  Hamidrash,  ed.  Jellinek  II,  29),  he  naturally  holds 
intercourse  with  the  angels. 

L.   12  apparently  rests    on   as-Sayyid's   verse  Jj-^JI  ^j.jl  LJ 

>'  o>    2  „ 
J)\o  V5&.  c^j'j  Masudi  V,  183,  Dahabi,  Tcfrikh  al-Isldm  VII.1 

Here  the  original  conception  obviously  is  that  the  Messiah  gets 
15  his  food  from  the  outside.     I.  H.'s  words  remind  one  vividly 

of  I  Kings  17,  6. 

Another   form    of   this    conception  which  strongly  indicates 

Messianic  influence  is  that  which  makes  Ibn  al-H.  derive    his 

sustenance  from  two  fountains,  one  of  honey,  the  other  of  water, 
20  both  flowing  near  him.    Bagd.  ~Llb  (and  Isfr.  10a)  :  <=L»Jt    .wo    .»xe. 

tX=*L>     JwwJLI!     .-o        jfr,    Shahr.   Ill: 


sx 

Ju*^fc.  fcL^j  ^Uy^  (jLxi^L^iJ  ,  comp.  Fawdt  I,  24.     This  state- 

ment is  probably  derived  from  a  Keisanite  poem  which  is  gener- 

ally assigned  to  Kuthayyir,  Agh.  VIII,  32,  Masudi   V,   182, 

25  Shahr.  Ill,  IKhald.  I,  358.  2    The  real  character  of  this  conception 

1  Ms.  Strassburg  (Spitta  No.  12),  in  the  biography  of  Muhammed  b. 
al-Hanafiyya.     The    Ms.   is    not    paginated.  —  Comp.    Yakut    II,    790'-° 

-•     9       ^* 

J.     Istakhri  21  (=IHaukal  28)  only  has    *jjL/o    _^. 


•  Only  IBab.,  Ithbat  32,  ascribes  it  to  as-Sayyid.     Similarly  Agh.  VII, 
10,  contrary  to  VIII,  32,  and  omitting  the  decisive  verse, 


Just  what  considerations  led  Barbier  de  Meynard  (Journal  Asiatique, 
1874,  p.  247)  to  decide  in  favor  of  as-Sayyid's  authorship  is  difficult  to 
understand. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  39 

is  revealed  in  the  undeniably  older  form  which   is    preserved  [44] 

i 

Bagd.   94'^.     Ibn  as-Sauda  (p.   1836)  is  quoted  as  saying: 


^  ,  to  which  assertion  Bagd. 
reasonably  replies  (95a)  t^OvXo  auL^f!^  ^A*^!  aujt  ci>Lo   Jjj 


This  "honey  and  butter"  which  is  the  food  of  the  Messias  seems 
nothing  but  the  t^'3""Jl  H^Pfl  which,  according  to  Isaiah's  pre- 
diction (7,  ^2),  "everyone  shall  eat  that  is  left  in  the  land. 
It  is  but  natural  that  to  Kuthayyir,  who  was  at  home  in  Najd  10 
and  Hijaz,2  water  appeared  a  more  appropriate  article  of  food 
than  butter  (or  cream),  which  was  accessible  to  every  Bedouin,3 
the  more   so,  since  the  Radwa  mountains  were  believed  to  be 
very  rich  in  water. 

•  —  L.  16.  Musa  b.  Ja'far,  with  the  by-name  al-Kazim,  was  is 
born  129  and  died  between  183-186,  IKhall.  No.  756,  Tab. 
Ill,  649,  see  also  ib.  2509.  He  wTas  imprisoned  by  the  Caliph 
Mahdi  and,  having  been  released  for  a  time,  again  imprisoned 
by  Rashid.  It  is  assumed  that  he  was  poisoned  in  prison, 
IKhall.  ib.,  Shahr.  127.  He  was  buried  in  the  Kureish  ceme-20 

tery  (yio»J5  *jLftx>  ^)  in  Bagdad,  and  his  grave  was  still  visited 
by  pilgrims  in  the  time  of  Bagdad!  :  r^*^-  •>•?  ic-^V0  ^  •£  A'*>  * 
OJJuL?  *J!  voLrl'  i  Oxx)  (Bagd.  19a). 


Isfr. 


* 


[add  ^]  ^.^-.J!  ^       ^Vl;  JuoJ! 


- 
(read  L»-fl-JLx>)  L^-ix!  .j^L^Lj  xJCjLAXi/*  . 

-  Kuthayyir  lived  mostly  in  Medina;  Brockelmann,  Geschichte  der 
arab.  Litt.  I,  48.  His  poems  are  innumerable  times  quoted  by  Yakut 
as  loci  probantes  for  localities  of  that  district. 

3  This  also  would  speak  in  favor  of  Kuthayyir's  authorship  of  that 
poem.  As-Sayyid  lived  mostly  in  large  cities.  Brockelmann  I,  83. 


40 


I.  Friedlaender,  t1908- 


[44]      The  sect  which  recognizes  Musa  as  Ja'far's  successor  in  the 
Imamate,  his  elder  brother  Isma'il  having  died  before  his  father, 


are  called  the  Mtisawiyya  (*Jj~y  or  (JjV*?*)'  Shahr-  126> 
Bagd.  19a,  Isfr.  13b,  IHaukal  65"  and  others.  After  his  death 

5  his  followers  still  denied  that  he  was  dead  and  believed  in  his 
"return."*1  They  were  for  this  reason  designated  by  a  more 
comprehensive  term  as  the  Wakifa  or  Wakifiyya  (see  p.  51), 
Shahr.  127;  IBab.,  Ithbat  36.  2  Probably  in  consequence  of 
their  having  been  deceived  in  this  expectation,  the  Musawiyya 

10  were  branded  by  their  opponents  as  the  Mamtura:  "those  that 
were  rained  upon."  "The  belief  of  the  Wakifiyya  attaches 
to  Musa  b.  Ja'far.  They  are  identical  with  the  Mamtura,  and 
it  is  by  this  name  that  this  party  is  known  in  distinction  from 
other  sects  of  the  Shiites"  (Masudi  VII,  117).  Zeid.  says 

is  similarly  (fol.  104a)  : 


Ss.-h^'.  .     See  also  Kashi  287,  bottom.     According  to  Shahr., 
this  nickname  was  coined  by  Ali  b.  Isma'il   (p.   60"),  who  said 


20  to  them  SsJa^jo  ^^L^V^  *JCjl  Lo.     Bagd.  ascribes  it  to  Yunus 
b.    'Abderrahman:3    xj^^-Jt    U^J«-?   y-^5^   ^-V1^^'    (J-*   ^^ 


Isfr.  again   ascribes   this    utterance    to  the  well-known   Shiite 
Zurara  b.  A'yun. 

1  Kashi  286  tells  a  story  which  satisfactorily  accounts  for  the  rise  of 
this  belief.    Two  trustees  of  Musa,  who  were  in  charge  of  a  fund  of 
80,000  dinars  consisting  of  taxes  that  belonged  to  Musa,  had  squandered 
the  money  while  the  latter  was  in  prison.     When  Musa  died,  the  trus- 
tees, fearing  the  claims  of  his  heirs,  denied  Musa's  death,  and  endeavored 
to  spread  the  belief  in  his  "  return." 

2  The  opposition  of  the  "  Twelvers  "  to  this  belief  vented  itself  in  the 
invention  of  utterances,  usually  put  into  the  mouth  of  Ja'far.  which 
violently  protest  against  the  Musawiyya  doctrine.     Some  very  charac- 
teristic specimens  may  be  found  in  Kashi  284-288. 

3  One  of  Musa's  adherents,  Fihr.  220  ;  comp.  Tusy,  p.  366  f. 


Vol.  xxix.J         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  41 

-  L.  20.     The    name    of    this    sect    is    spelt    JU~,UJ!  and  [44] 
LUW^LAJY.     Shahr.  126  is  in  doubt  as  to  whether  this  name  is 
derived  from  a  man  \j»j\-*  or  a  place  L^li.1     The  other  sources 
have   nothing  to  offer  on  the   subject.     The   reading   al-Basri 
(instead  of  al-Misri)  adopted  in  our  text  is,  apart  from  general  5 

considerations,  confirmed  by  the^  notice  Isfr.  13a:  *#«  xI^.UJ! 


The  meaning  of  the  last  words  is  not  quite  clear  to  me. 
is  a  vault,  especially  a  sepulchral  vault  (Dozy,  s.  v.).2 

—  L.  21.     Ja'far  as-Sadik  was   born  80  or  83  and  died  in  10 
Medina    in    148    during    Mansur's    reign;    IKhall.   No.    130; 
Nawawi,  Tahdib,  p.  195  ;  see  also  Blochet  12.     Ja'far  occupies 

a  central  position  among  the  Imams  of  the  Shi  'a.  His  author- 
ity is  considered  final.  See  on  this  unique  position  of  Ja'far 
pp.  791,  89"  and  Index.  15 

45,  1-  1-     On  Isma'il,  see  Index.  [45] 

—  Ibidem.     The  reading  Sababiyya  (note  1)  is  frequently  to 
be  met  with  in  MSS.     See,  e.  g.,  Text,  p.   71,  note  13;  Comm. 
p.  27,  n.  2;  Tab.  Ill,  29,  note  k;  Lubb.  al-Lubab  s.  v.  ^Lx**J! 
note  d  ;  the  examples  can  be  easily  multiplied.     The  manuscripts  20 
of  Bagd.  and  Isfr.,  which  bestow  great  care  on  the  diacritical 
points,  consistently  read  the  same  way.     This  coincidence  can- 
not be  accidental.     The  reading  is  satisfactorily  accounted  for 
when  we  bear  in  mind  that  the  characteristic  and  most  objec- 
tionable feature  of  Shiism,  in  the  eyes  of  the  orthodox,  is  the  25 

"the  denunciation  of  the  Companions,"  especially 


1  Yakut  IV,  733  mentions  a  place    XjuJai  ,jw««j,  near  Hamadan. 
It  is  difficult  to  state  whether  this  is  the  place  to  which  Shahr.  refers. 

2  Is  ,w«..Lb  mentioned    among    the    celebrities    of    the   Imamiyya 

Shahr.  145  identical  with  our  ^..Li?  —  Tusy,  p.  186  (No.  400),  says  of  a 
certain  'Abdallah  b.  Ahmad  b.  Abi  Zeid  al-Anbari  Ja*J«J  L»x£x>  (.j^ 

Fihr.  1984  reads  instead  JuuuiJI 


But  the  reading  &juw.»UJ!  is  no  doubt  correct,  as  immedi- 
ately afterwards  a  man  is  mentioned  who  also  belonged  to  the  party  of 
Ja'far. 


42  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908- 

[45]  of   Abu    Bekr   and  'Omar.     Attachment    to  Ali    without    this 

6  Si 

denunciation  is       ^^>  /V^',  Goldziher,  Shila  443,  n.  3,  comp. 


ZDMG.  50,  115.     See  Text  72,  n.  2,  and  the  characteristic  anec- 
dote, below  p.  65.     Typical  is  also  the  notice  Agh.  XI,  46":  The 

sKeisanite  Khandak  al-Asadi,  having  been  assured  by  Kuthayyir 
that  his  family  would  be  taken  care  of,  denounces  in  Mekka, 
during  the  pilgrimage,  Abti  Bekr  and  'Omar  and  suffers  mar- 
tyrdom for  it.  The  Sunnites  therefore  designate  the  Shiites 
as  Sabbabun,  "denouncers",  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  36,  280,  n.  1. 

10  As  the   name  Sabaiyya   is  frequently  applied   to   ultra-Shiitic 
sects  in  general  (p.  100),  it  was  for  polemical  purposes,  with  a 
slight  change  in  the  diacritical  points,  transformed  into  Saba- 
biyya,  or  more  correctly,  Sabbabiyya.1 
—  L.  2.     On  Ibn  Saba,  see  p.  18'6  ff. 

15  —  L.  3.  The  belief  that  Ali  was  hidden  in  the  clouds  whence 
he  would  return  on  earth  is  ascribed  by  all  theological  wi'iters 
(Shahr.  132  ult.  ;  Iji  343;  Maki-3571;  see  also  IKhald.  I,  358) 
to  Ibn  Saba.  While  many,  or  most,  doctrines  attributed  to  this 
founder  of  Shiism  are  apocryphal  or  of  later  origin,  this  belief 

20  is  no  doubt  authentic.  This  conception  must  have  become 
extremely  popular  among  the  Shiites  at  an  early  period,  as 
numerous  early  authorities  bear  witness  to  it.  Muslim,  Sahih 
(Cairo  1284h,  I,  51)  in  the  name  of  Sufyan  (ath-Thauri,  died 

161)  :   v^-"  £  &*  ^  J}*->   SuaiU-N   i'  •     Zeid.    fol.   104" 


25  mentions  a  special  sect  called  as-Sahabiyya  (j^Ls^jJl    -*-* 


LIJLc.  ^!  ^j^cy.>  *&j  sLojLj  *^JI^  VT*-^'  •    Abu'l- 

Maali  158  calls  the  founder  of  this  sect  Muhammed  b.  Ya'kub 

Aj.Ji*xJt 


JkJL5..y'  ^ 


1  Curiously  enough  there  was  also  a  sect  called  Sabbabiyya,  named 
after  Sabbab,  a  client  of  the  Omeyyad  family,  which  throughout  the 
Omeyyad  reign  stood  up  for  this  dynasty  and  denounced  its  enemies, 
Agh.  XIV,  162.—  A  certain  'Abdallah  b.  Sabbab  is  mentioned  Ikd  269, 
immediately  after  'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  as  one  whom  Ali  banished  for  his 
extravagant  doctrines.  But  I  have  nowhere  found  any  reference  to 
this  person. 


Vol.  xxix.j         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  43 

Jol  LoJo  y-?i  c>^y°  )3-     'Abdallah  b.  Lahi'a,  the  well-known  [45] 
Shiitic  traditionist  (died  174),  "who  was  a  silly,  weak-minded 
old  man,  believed  that  Ali  was  in  the  clouds.     He  would  sit  in 
our  midst,  then  look  up  to  the  clouds  and  exclaim  :   '  Here  is 
Ali,  passing  in  the  clouds!'"  (IKhald.  II,  155,  quoting  from  5 
an-Nasa'i,  died  757h).     The  poet  Ishak  b.    Suweid  al-'Adawi1 
ridicules  in  a  much-quoted  poem2  "the  people  who  greet  the 
clouds  when  they  mention  Ali."     This  belief  spread  the  more 
easily,  as  Ali's  grave  was  unknown,3  Damiri,  Hay  at  al-Hayawdn 
(Biilak  1284h)  II,  267.     According  to  Ibn  Asakir  (died  571),  4io 
the  camel  which  was  carrying  Ali's  body  to  Medina  to  be  buried 
there  disappeared  with  the  body  :  '  '  for  this  reason  the  people  of 
'Irak  say  he  is  in  the  clouds." 

On  the  Messianic  basis  of  this  conception,  see  my  essay  "Die 
Messiasidee  im  Islam,"  p.  125.  is 

—  L.  9  ff  .  This  utterance  of  Ibn  Saba  is  in  all  probability 
derived  from  the  anecdote  told  by  Jahiz,  Sayan  (Cairo  1313h) 
II,  73,  5  on  the  authority  of  ash-Sha'bi  (d.  103).  A  certain 
Jarir  b.  Keis  met  Ibn  as-Sauda  (=Ibn  Saba)  in  Madain.6  "He 
(Ibn  Saba)  said:  What  is  the  news?  I  said:  the  Commanders 
of  the  Faithful  (=Ali)  has  been  killed  ...  He  said:  Even  if 
you  had  .brought  us  his  brain  in  a  hundred  bags,  we  would 
surely  know  that  he  would  not  die  till  he  should  drive  you  with 
his  stick."  Bagd.  94a  tells  the  same  story,  perhaps  drawing 

from  the  same  source,  in  a  similar  manner:    woLfc 
JUis  JjCi  Jo 


1  Bagd.  94*  ,  43"    c)  Joufl.     He  was  a  contemporary  of  Wasil  b.  '  Ata,  ib. 

2  Bagd.  ib.:  Isfr.  29*;  Kdmil  ed.  Wright  5469;  Ikd  267. 

3  The  Imamites,  however,  insist  that  he  was  buried  in    C^J9  in  Kufa, 

Abu'l-Maali,  164  ;  IBab.,    I'tikadat    226.     Their    motive    is    plain,    see 
p.  3014. 

4  Quoted  by  Suyuti,  Ta'rikh  175,  also  by  ad-Dimishki  al-Karamani, 
Akhbdr  ad-Duwal  (on  the  margin  of  I.  Athir's  Ta'rikh,  Bulak,  12901')  I, 
22  11. 

5  1.  H.    quotes  Jahiz  also  Text  509  and  elsewhere.—  The  passage  in 
Baydn  was  pointed  out  to  me  by  the  late  van  Vloten,  Leyden. 

*  Ali  banished  Ibn  Saba  to  Madain,  Shahr.  132,  Ikd  269,  Bagd.  6»,  94". 


44  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[45]  aJ+?  (J'tLoJ    J  jl-fl   yj   XfclxxX?   bj+AAS-    (read   |jJr!)    ^jj  &J 


WAJ    -A.=».  c^+j        x. 

The  reading  adopted  in  the  text  (note  6)  is  in  accordance  with 
these  quotations. 

5  On  the  two  doctrines  (Raj  'a  and  Docetism)  underlying  Ibn 
Saba's  utterance,  see  p.  23  ff. 

—  L.  12  ff  .     The  following  are  counted  among  the  Keisaniyya, 
because  they  regarded  their  Imams  as  the  successors  of  Abu 
Hashim,  the  son  of  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya  (p.  89T). 

10      —  L.  13.     On  Abu  Muslim,  see  Index. 

—  L.  15  ff.      'Abdallah  rose  under  the  last  Omeyyad  Caliph  in 
127,  see  the  elaborate  accounts  of  Agh.  XI,   66  ff.  ;    Tab.   II, 
1879  ff.  ;  lAth.  V,  246.     He  was  forced  to  give  up  Kufa  and  to 
retreat  into  the  mountains  of  Media.     He  was  in  temporary  pos- 

15  session  of  the  province  of  Faris,  and  —  this  is  significant  in  connec- 
tion with  1.  16  —  the  mountains  of  Isbahan.  He  went  so  far  as  to 
strike  his  own  coins  (ZDMG.  46,  443).  He  was  killed  in  129  by 
order  of  Abu  Muslim,  Tab.  II,  1976  =  IAth.  V,  282.  See  about 
him  also  Text  7114.  —  Gen.  Leyd.  has  the  following  notice  about 


20  him:    (read    (ja.*S)    (joj3    J^^A+J!    ^.jJaiLl  -tlxiJi  xLM 

0    * 

UmAa>«     &AM.LjtJt     jJ.jJt      v_.AA.LAO  *JLwUO     ^J 

(sic)  ^tXx^ji  aJ  JUu   /*^>j-«"?   ***}  W?  (read 


His  followers  were  called  Janahiyya,  Bagd.  97&,  103^  ;  Isfr. 
25  57a  '  ;  Iji  345  ;  Makr.  353",  because  his  father3  Mu'awiya  bore  the 
by-name  DiVl-Janahein,  see  especially  Nawawl,  Tahdib  339. 

On  the  Imamate  of  the  descendants  of  Ja'far  b.  Abi  Talib 
see   I.    H.'s   remark    (Ed.    IV.    9019)  :     "one    party    says:    the 

uf- 

1  The  text  is  corrupt  ^A    ^    (sic)    8j-OL»J!    ^J  &JU!  tXxt  cLxi! 


2  On  the  sects  deriving  their  name  from  the  father's  name  of  the 
founder  see  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  61,  75,  n.  2. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  45 

Imamate  is  permissible  only  in  the  descendants  of  Ja'far1  b.  Abi  [45] 
Talib.     Subsequently  they  confined  it  to  'Abdallah  b.  Mu'awiya 
b.  Abdallah  b.  Ja'far  b.  A.  T." 

His  father  Mu'awiya2  must  already  have  enjoyed  a  similar  dis- 
tinction.    When  he  still  was  a  school  boy,  the  Keisanite  —  this  is  5 
important    on    account    of    1.    14  —  Kuthayyir   would   hug   him 
fondly  and  say  to  him:   "Thou  art  one  of  the  little  prophets" 
(Agh.  VIII,  34,  see  p.  27,  note  4.) 

—  L.  20.  'Abdallah's  teachings  as  described  by  Bagd.,  Iji  and 
Makr.  are  in  the  nature  of  other  ultra-Shiitic  doctrines  :  God's  10 
successive  incarnation  in  the  prophets  and  Imams,3  the  belief  in 
Transmigration  of  Souls  coupled  with  the  denial  of  Resurrec- 
tion (see  p.  74)  and  the  allegorical  interpretation  of  the  Koran, 
Iji,  Makr.=de  Sacy  II,  595. 

1  Ed.  erroneously  All.     Cod.  L.  II,  86"  has  the  correct  reading. 

s 

2  Interesting  is  the  remark  of  Sibt,  Imams:  (read  tXaJ)  IcXsJ  ivwO  *j. 


iJLS*    ^.J  aJJ! 

Q 

tX^-1     a^"fr     (read   JOOLJ)    Juxj    *J^  viU  jJ  * 
.—  Of  his  offspring  Gen.  Leyd.  says:        x    Xxjb  xj 


xs         «, 

^JLfl    ^.J    J.4^?    t 


J^JD|  ^e    JLi  LXJ. 


f- 


- 

Bagd.  97*    xJLo     ^.x    8^!^    ^^    JOL?     *LxiVt 


cy  Jj  *J  «i>jiXO  ^  *J  r*t>l  ^  ojL^  aJVl  .     Here  the  text 

breaks  off.  Between  97*  and  98a  something  (in  all  probability  one  leaf) 
is  missing.  This  is  to  be  added  to  Ahwardt's  Catalogue  No.  2800.  On 
this  doctrine  of  successive  incarnation  see  Text  681  and  Comm. 


46  I.  Fi-iedlaender,  [1908. 

[45]  On  the  belief  in  'Abdallah's  concealment  (gaiba)  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Isbahan  see  especially  Iji  (who  writes  (jLg-aAs!)  and 
Isfr.  57". 

-  L.  22.  On  the  Dahriyya  see  de  Boer  80. — One  of  his 
stable  companions  was  called  al-Bakli,  because  he  was  of  the 
opinion  that  man  is  like  a  vegetable  (al-bakl)  "and  when  he 
dies,  he  does  not  return  (on  earth)",  see  p.  24,  n.  1,  Agh.  XI,  75. 
'Abdallah's  Stihib  ash-Shortah  is  said  to  have  been  a  Dahrite, 
ibidem. 

10      46,  1-  2  ff.     The  same  belief  of  the  Jews  in  four  Immortals 
[46]  is  mentioned  by  I.  H.,  Ed.  I,  187,  in  a  brief  survey  on  Jewish 
history.     After  Joshua  it  was    Phinehas  who    ruled   over  the 
Jews  for  twenty-five  years.     '"A  large  section  of  them  (the 
Jews)  maintain  that  he  is  alive  till  this  day,  he  and  three  per- 
is sons  besides  him,  viz.,  Ilyas  (Elijah)  the  Prophet,  the  Aronide,'2 
Malkisidek3  b.  Falig'  b.  'Abir  [b.  Shalih]6  b.  Arfahshad  b.  Sam 
b.  Xuh,  the  servant  whom  Ibrahim  dispatched  to  woo  Ribka, 
the  daughter  of  Batuil,7  the   son   of   Nakhur,   the  brother  of 
Ibrahim." 

20  In  our  passage  (p.  46,  note  1)  L.  Br.  also  add  the  name  of 
Methuselah.  But  it  is  clear  from  the  parallel  quoted  here  that 
the  name  came  in  by  mistake.8 

As  to  the  four  others  above-mentioned,  there  can  scarcely  be 
any  doubt  that,  as  far  as  Malchizedek  is  concerned,  I.  H.  con- 

1  The  following  variants  are  taken  from  Codd.  L.  and  V. — L.  agrees 
with  Ed.    See  Introd.,  p.  18. 
-  V.  missing.     See  p.  47*°. 

3  V.  missing. 

4  Ed.  ^JLa,  L.  V.    iJU. 

5  V.  ^JLo  ^j  (sic).     Ed.   L.    missing.     Supplied  in  view  of    Gen. 
10,  24.  £- 

6  So  L.  V.— Ed.  xjiix. 
"L.  V.  Jjyb. 

8  Methusalem  is  reputed  in  Jewish  tradition  as  a  "|^J  p'1^  "  a  per- 
fectly righteous  man,"  Aboth  di  R.  Nathan,  ed-Schechter,  ch.  33,  and  he 
is  counted  among  the  seven  Long-lived,  Baba  Bathra,  fol.  121b,  comp. 
Goldziher,  Kitdb  al-Mu'ammarin,  p.  XLII.  But  this  has  nothing  to  do 
with  immortality.  Perhaps  he  is  confounded  here  with  his  father 
Enoch. 


Vol.  xxix.)         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  47 

founds  the  Jews  with  the  Christians.     M.'s  immortality  is  taught  [46] 
as  early  as  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  1,  8;  7,  3  ff.,  and  it  is 
known  from  the  polemics  of  the  Church  fathers  to  what  extent 
this   belief,  which  found   expression   in   a    special   sect   called 
Malchizedekites,  was  spread  among  Christian  sectarians.  5 

The  genealogy  of  M.  as  given  by  I.  H.  (and  other  writers) 
is  only  a  modification  of  the  early  Jewish  tradition  (also  recorded 
by  the  Church  fathers)  which  identifies  him  with  Sem,  the  son 
of  Xoah ;  see  Louis  Ginzberg,  Die  Haggada  bei  den  Kirchen- 
••  <'it  "rn  I,  118,  II,  104.  10 

Eliezer,  "the  servant  of  Ibrahim,"  is  mentioned  among  the 
nine  Immortals  who  entered  Paradise  while  still  alive,  Derekh 
Eres  Ztita,  ch.  1.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  in  neither  pas- 
sage is  Eliezer  mentioned  by  name.  He  was  probably  desig- 
nated in  Jewish  circles  merely  as  DmDK  "O#-  "  15 

Elijah's  immortality,  which  is,  of  course,  a  direct  consequence 
of  the  Biblical  report,  is  already  implied  in  Sirach  4810~".  On 
the  Rabbinical  legends  clustering  around  Elijah  see  the  exhaust- 
ive article  (by  Louis  Ginzberg)  in  Jewish  Encyclopedia  V, 
122  ff. — The  notion  that  he  was  a  Kohen,  "an  Aronide,"  is 20 
very  old  and  already  known  to  the  Church  fathers,  Jew.  Enc. 
V,  122a  bottom;  Ginzberg,  Die  Haggada  II,  pp.  76-80. 

Phinehas  is  in  Jewish  tradition  commonly  identified  with 
Elijah.  This  identification  is  very  old  and  already  known  to 
Orlgen,  Ginzberg,  Die  Haggada  II,  p.  78.  25 

-  Note  7,  1.  2.    Read  v**«JUi^  "brainless"  (Turkish). 

-  L.  8.     The  literature  on  al-Khadir  is  too  extensive  to  be 
recorded   here   in  detail.     The   best   accounts  on   the   Khadir 
legends  are  found  in  Tha'labi's  'Arais  (Cairo  1306h),  p.  137  ff.7 
Damiri,  Hay  at  al-Hayawdn  (Bulak  1284h)  I,  338  ff.  (sub  voce  so 
^uyo  v^s*)   and    Taj  al-lArtis  III,    187    (sub  voce    -loiLl). 
The  ubiquitous  prophet  is  particularly  popular  with  the  Sufis 
(see  espec.  Taj  ib.),  just  as  Elijah  is  with  the  Jewish  mystics. 
The  famous  Sufi  Ibn  al-'Arabi  (died  638*) — to  quote  one  instance 
out  of  many — records  in  his  al-Futuhat  al-Makkiyya  numerous  35 
conversations  with  al-Khadir,  Kremer,  Ideen,  p.  103,  comp.  p.  71 
note. 

The  Shiitic  sects  which  believe  in  the  "concealment"  and 
"return"  (gaiba  and  raj 'a,  p.  28)  of  their  Imams  quote  in  con- 


48  L  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[46]  urination  of  their  belief  the  continued  existence  of  al-Khadir 
and  Elijah,  Shahr.  131,  IKhald.  I,  358. 

—  L.  10.     Elijah  is  usually  associated  with  deserts  and  ruins, 
see,  e.  g.,  Pirke  Aboth,  ch.  6,  Berakhoth  3",  Sanhedrin  98".— 
sal-Khadir  ("the  green  Prophet")  is,  on  account  of  his  name, 
brought  in  connection  Avith  water  and  vegetation. 

-  L.  13.     The  same  objection  is  found  in  connection  with 
Elijah,  who  in  the  belief  of  the  people  is  present  at  every  cir- 
cumcision.    "  How  can  it  be  imagined  that  Elijah  should  be  pres- 

10  ent  at  every  circumcision  that  takes  place  in  Israel  ?  How  can 
he  accomplish  it,  since,  Israel  being  a  nation  scattered  and 
divided,  many  circumcisions  take  place  simultaneously  in  the 
East  of  the  World  and  the  West  thereof  ?  "  Glasberg,  Zichron 
Brith  la-Rishonim  (Berlin  1892)  p.  233. 

is     47,  1.  3.     "  'Abdallah  b.  Salam"  is  a  lapsus  calami  for  "  'Abd 

[47]  as-Salam."  —  Muhammed  b.  'Abd  as-Salam  is  identical  with  Ibn 

'Abd  as-Salam,  who  defends   the  belief  in  al-Khadir,   Taj  al- 

'•Arrts  III,  187.     He  is  mentioned  by  Ibn   al-Abbar,    Comple- 

mentum  librias-Silah^  ed.  Codera,  Madrid  1887,  p.  .136,  No.  483: 

2oJudJt   (sic) 

Talablra  is  situated  on  the   Tajo,  in   the    district   of   Toledo, 
Yakut  III,  542. 

-  L.  6.     I  have  not  been  able  to  identify  this  Kutib  with  the 
not    unusual    name.     He  is   mentioned  by  I.    H.,  Ed.   I,   111  : 

25  He  takes  I.  H.  to  a  friend  of  his  to  show  him  the  miracles  he 

is  working.     But  I.  H.  succeeds  in  unmasking  him  as  a  juggler. 

—  L.  11.     Thishadith,  which  is  recorded  both  by  Muslim  and 

Bukhari  and  is  in  consequence  canonical,  reads  fully  as  follows  : 

The  Prophet  says  to  Ali 


xi!     xc  ^y0  \J^-     Nawawi,    Tahdib  438,  Ibn 

•"  £  »  ' 

al-Athir,  Usd  al-  Gdba  IV,  26s  (with  the  variant  (^tX*J  S^AJ  Y) 
comp.  ZDMG.  50,  119.  The  tendency  of  the  hadith  is  trans- 
parent. It  is  directed  against  the  extravagant  worship  of  Ali 
(and  the  Imams)  by  the  Galiya.  On  the  beginning  of  the 


1  Whether  t5AXicl  p^L*J!  tXx^  ^  4X4^?  repeatedly  quoted  by 
I.  H.  in  Isnads  (e.  g.,  Ed.  I,  109  ult,  V,  5-°)  is  identical  with  our  Muham- 
med I  am  not  in  a  position  to  determine. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  49 

hadith  see  p.  13530. — A   similar  tradition  with  the  same  fend-  [47] 
ency  is  quoted  by  Goldziher,  Muh.  St.  II,  105. 

-  Note  8.     Cod.  L.   contains    the  following   marginal  note 
(in  extremely  illegible  and  unpointed  characters)    ..wo     -#UaJf 


XAJ.r^1  ^2-^  J,L*3'.     The  gloss  is  apparently 
that  of  a  reader.     It  is  missing  in  Br.  which  is  otherwise  iden-  10 
tical  with  L. 

-  L.  15.     I.  H.  expresses  himself  similarly  Ed.  I,  776:   "It 
is  well-established  that  the  Prophet  said  that  there  would  be  no 
prophet    after   him,    with    the  exception   of    what  the  reliable 
traditions  contain  regarding  the  advent  of  Jesus,  who  was  sent  is 
to  the  Jews  and  whom  the  Jews  pretend  to  have  killed  and 
crucified.     It  is  necessary  firmly  to  believe  in  all  this  and  it  is 
well-established  that  the  existence  of  prophecy  after  the  Prophet 
is  absurd." 

-  L.  17.     The  Berber  tribe  Baragwata  in  the  extreme  North-20 
west  of    Africa   formed  an  independent  commonwealth  under 
Tarif,  who   claimed  descent  from  the   tribe  Simeon.     His  son 
Salih  pretended  to  be  a  prophet  and  composed  a  new  Koran  of 
eighty  Suras  in  the  Berberic  language,  Ibn  Adhari,  ed.  Dozy 
I,  44.     For  their  doctrine,  see  ibidem  234  ff  .     During  the  reign  25 
of  their  seventh  king  they  still  expected  the  "return"  of  Salih; 
Dozy,  Isl.  348  ff.,  Kremer,  Ideen  200,  372. 

-  Note  12.     The  Baragwata  Commonwealth  was  destroyed 
by  the  Almoravides  in  1030,  Dozy,  ib.,  Kremer,  ib. 

-  L.  19.  .  The  name  of  this  sect  alternates  between  Kat'iyyaso 


and  Kitti'iyya    aLxXAaS.     The  former  is  found,  e.  g., 

Masudi  VIII,  40;  Shahr.  17,  127,  128,  147;  Makr.  351".  The 
latter  form  is  consistently  used  by  I.  H.,  Bagd.  and  Isfr.,  also 
.M.isudi  V,  443,  475.  The  form  Kitti'iyya  as  the  more  unusual 
one  seems  to  be  original.  35 

VOL.  xxix.  4 


50  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[47]  The  nature  of  the  Kitti'iyya  can  best  be  understood  when 
contrasted  with  its  antithesis,  the  Wakifiyya  or  Wakifa,  p.  40. 
The  point  of  controversy  is  the  reality  of  the  Imam's  death  (see 
p.  30)  and  the  question,  dependent  on  it,  of  the  election  of  a 


5  successor.  oiJ'j^&jy*  J,  v_aj'^  or  «->^x>  3  L_i»ys  means  "  to  be 
uncertain,  to  be  in  doubt,'  as  regards  the  Imam's  death,"  i.  e., 
refuse  to  believe  that  the  Imam  is  dead  and,  still  recognizing 
him  as  Imam,  refrain  from  electing  a  successor.  The  exact 
reverse  of  it  is  2U*^J  «ni'  "definitely  to  assert  his  death,"2  to 
10  believe  that  the  death  of  the  Imam  was  real  and,  in  consequence, 


transfer  (^L*/)  the  Imamate  from  the   dead  Imam  to  his  suc- 
cessor.    This  state  of  ,the  case  is  still  perfectly  clear  in  Shahr., 

"*  " 

as  the  following  examples-  will  show:  173  .  .  .  x2y* 


aujt  J,!  aLxLoV!  O^-«*^  *2y+*  /«kj  &°j  .  128  ^*-+ 

15  5tX*J  aL*Lx>at  Lj'Lwu  .  .  .  ^Hy*   (in  opposition  to  the  AVakifiyya, 

p.  40).      Then  v^i'«  and  ^-As*.'i  were  interpreted  in  their  literal 


meaning  "  to  stand  still  "  and  the  construction  auX£.(*_dJ»«3')  oii* 

came  in  use  in  the  sense:   "  to  stand  still  at  him  (at  the  Imam)," 

i.  e.,  to  uphold  his  Imamate  without  electing  a  successor  because 

20  of   the  unreal  character  of   his  death.     Substantially  then  this 

expression  is  identical  with  the  phrase   xj«-o   ^ 


and  both  are  opposed  to  «J'^-«J  *iaj  'lto  believe  in  the  Imam's 
death  and  elect  a  new  Imam."     Thus  Shahr.  127  *b-' 


25UV.AJ,    XX  A*.' I   LXjtJ    -r  J^MJ^     O 

or  p.  16:  1*4^*}   Juts 


1  See,  e.  g.,  Shahr.  131  viXJi  ^  &1&I  Jl  jjjo  ^.^Vi  .     "Then  we  are 
in  doubt  concerning  this." 

2  See  on  this  meaning  of   *iai'  my  Sprachgebrauch  des  Maimonides, 
I,  (Frankfort  on  M.,  1902)  sub  voce. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  51 

^J'L*  ^o  ,  or  ib.  :  iJjLu»  ^o  *-^-*j  &AJC&..J  JL»j  x-yLt  i^i'^  Jj^o  [47] 


Both  the  beliefs  of  the  Kitti'iyya  and  Wakifiyya  are  in  them- 
selves merely  relative  conceptions  and  express  but  a  certain 
attitude  of  mind.  They  become  real  only  when  applied  to  5 
certain  definite  individuals.  In  consequence  of  this  their  rela- 
tive character,  their  contents  are  somewhat  elastic  and  change 
in  accordance  with  the  person  to  whom  they  are  applied.  As  a 
rule,  the  contrast  between  the  two  sects  hinges  on  the  person  of 
Milsa  b.  Ja'far  (p.  3915),  the  succession  down  to  Ja'far,  hisio 
father,  being  a  matter  of  common  agreement  among  the  Shiites 
(p.  1042B).  Those  that  refuse  to  admit  his  death  and  await  his 
"  return  "  are  called  Wakifiyya  (also  Musawiyya  and,  with  their 
nickname,  Mamtura,  p.  4012).  Those,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
admit  his  death  and  in  consequence  transfer  the  Imamate  to  his  is 
descendants  are  called  the  Kitti'iyya.  Comp.  the  passages  quoted 
above  from  Shahr.  See  Masudi  V,  443  :  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam 
(p.  6511)  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Musa  b.  Ja'far.  Yet  he  was 
a  Kitti'iy,  i.  e.,  he  believed  that  Musa  was  dead.  Bagd.  19": 


Kashi  in  a  special  article  on  the  Wakifiyya,  p.  284- 
288,  understands  and  applies  this  term  in  the  same  manner. 

The  name,  however,  occurs  also  in  connection  with  other 
individuals  of  the  Alidic  famity. 

Thus  Wakifiyya  is  found  as  another  designation  for   Isma-25 
'iliyya,   those  who  believe  in  the  "return"  of  Musa's  brother 
Isma'il,  Shahr.  127. 

1  I  have  dwelt  at  some  length  on  this  point,  as  Haarbriicker  in  his 
Shahr.  translation  utterly  misunderstood  the  whole  matter.  He  takes 
*bjs  in  its  ordinaiy  meaning  "to  cut  off"  (abschneiden)  and  interprets 

it  in  the  sense  "to  cut  off  the  series  of  Imams"  and  allow  no  further 
Imam.  In  consequence,  the  contradictio  in  adiecto  that  those  who 
cut  off  (i.  e.,  close)  the  series  of  Imams  transfer  the  Imamate  to  their 
descendants,  is  repeatedly  to  be  met  with  in  his  translation.  E.  g.,  I,  25: 
"  Andere  machen  mit  seinem  Tode  einen  Abschnitt  und  fiihren  das 
Imamat  auf  seinen  Sohn  fiber,"  or,  still  more  nonsensically,  192  : 
"Andere  schnitten  mit  seinem  Tode  (die  Reihe  der  Imame)  ab"  and  so 
forth.  The  same,  Wolff.  Ifnisen,  p.  82  ff  .  —It  is  difficult  to  see  how  these 
authors  could  make  any  sense  out  of  this  translation. 


52  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[47]       The  name  Kitti'iyya  is  found  in  connection  with  All,  the  son 
of   Musa,   Makr.   351".     Zeid.   104"  applies   this   term    to    the 
"followers  of  AH  b.  Muhammed,"  apparently  referring  to  Ali 
an-Naki    (died   254),    the   grandfather   of    the    Shiitic   Mahdi 
5  "the  man  of  the  cellar." 

Gradually,  however,  the  two  terms  were  used  pre-eminently 
in  connection  with  the  Mahdi,  the  Imam  of.  the  "Twelvers." 
Those  who  did  not  admit  the  death  of  his  father,  al-Hasan  al- 
'Askari,  and  consequently  rejected  his  own  claims  to  the  Imamate 

10  are  called  the  Wakifiyya,  IBab.,  Ithbat  39  (p.  36,  however, 
this  term  is  used  as  a  synonym  for  the  Musawiyya) .  Those  agai  n 
who  believed  in  al-Hasan's  death  and  transferred  the  Imamate 
to  the  Mahdi,  were  called  the  Kitti'iyya.  With  the  spread  of 
the  "  Twelvers  "  and  the  extinction  of  the  other  Shiitic  factions, 

15  the  term  Kitti'iyya  became  the  exclusive  possession  of  this  sect 
and  was  generally  used  as  a  synonym  for  Ithna'asharivva,  which 
is  probably  of  later  origin  (I.  H.  does  not  use  it  in  his  J//A//), 
comp.  I.  H.  in  our  passage;  Shahr.  17,  127,  147;  Masudi  V, 

475;  Bagd.  19&  expressly  iOvXLcUjj'Y!  ^J  JUbj  and  in  the  same 

20  way  Isfr.  13>J  ao^c^lAj'Y!  (jj^t>4  ^£)j*)  • 

The  old  Marracci  recognized  the  identity  of  the  Kitti'iyya 
with  the  Ithna'ashariyya.  The  rebuke  preferred  against  him 
by  de  Sacy  (II,  590  n.  1  =  Wolff,  D-rusen,  p.  83,  n.  1)  is  without 
justification. 

25      48,  1-  3  ff.     See  I.   H.'s  remarks  on  the  same  subject,  Text 
[48]  p.  767  ff.     I.  H.'s  account  on  the  Mahdi  is  extremely  interesting 
and  in  many  a  detail  quite  novel.1 

-  L.  5.     The  year  of  al-Hasan's  death  is  unanimously  given 
as  260.     All  other  dates  and  facts   of   the   Mahdi's  life  were 
so  early  entangled  in  myth  and  legend. 

This  shows  itself  at  once  in  the  question  as  to  the  date  of  his 
birth,  which  is  extremely  problematic.  Conspicuous  in  its  tend- 
ency is  the  notion  that  he  was  born  on  the  day  on  which  his 
father  died,  Blochet  21.  It  betrays  itself  through  the  explana- 
tory remark  that  the  Mahdi  has,  just  like  Jesus,  been  Imam 
since  his  infancy.  According  to  another  supposition  (comp. 

1  Sibt,  Imams,  remarkably  enough  says  nothing  about  the  twelfth 
Imam. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  53 

Text  here,  1.   7)   he  was   born  eight  months  after  his  father's  [48] 
death,  Shahr.  130".     Repeatedly  to  be  found  as  the  year  of  his 
bii'th  is  258,   i.  e.,  two  years  before  his  father's  death,  IBab. 
Ithbat  44 1.  2  (read  sJJy  instead  of  StUj);  Ibn  Zulak  (died  387h)  • 
in    IKhall.    No.    573;    Diyarbekri,   II,    288.     Very   frequently    5 
the  year  255  is  given,  Abu'l-Maali  164;  Anon.  Sufi  170a;  Abul- 
fedall,  222;  IKhall.  ib.1     See  the  various  suppositions  Shahr. 
129-130. 

The  insinuation  that  the  Mahdi  was  not  born  at  all  I  have  not 
met  with  outside  of  I.  H.     He  repeats  the  same  charge  Ed.  IV,  10 
96&:   "If  so,  what  need  is  there  for  them    (the  Imams),  espe- 
cially so  for  the  last  180  years?  (see  Introduction,  p.  19).     For 
they  pretend  to  have  a  lost  Imam  who   (however)  was  never 
created,  just  like  the  fabulous  griffin."     Gen.  Leyd.  omits  the 
Mahdi  altogether,  as  it  only  records  the  Alides  who  had  off- 15 
spring.     Al-Hasan,  however,  is  designated  as  Abu  Muhammed. 

The  identity  of  the  Mahdi's  name  with  that  of  the  Prophet 
which  is  demanded  by  the  Mahdi  traditions  is  regarded  by  the 
Shiites  as  proof  of  the  legitimacy  of  the  twelfth  Imam.2  To 
the  same  end  the  Prophet's  kunya  Abu'l-Kasim  was  conferred  20 
on  him.3  The  generally  accepted  Mahdi  tradition  demands, 
besides,  identity  in  the  father's  name.  But  there  are  variations 
of  this  tradition  which  are  so  trimmed  as  to  meet  the  special 
circumstances  of  the  twelfth  Mahdi,  comp.  IKhald.  II,  144  ff. ; 
Diyarbekri,  II,  288.  25 

-  L.  11  f.  A  more  elaborate  form  of  this  anecdote  see 
Blochet  22  (who  writes  HakimeK).  The  motive  of  the  anecdote 
is  the  Shiitic  tendency  to  pattern  the  image  of  the  Mahdi  after 
that  of  Jesus,  whose  advent  at  the  end  of  time  is  expected  by 
all  Muhammedans.  The  miracle  of  "talking  in  the  cradle"  is  so 
ascribed  to  Jesus,  Koran  3,  41;  5,  109;  19,  30  ff . ;  comp. 
Gerock,  Versuch  einer  Darstellung  der  Christologie  des  Qoran 

1  The  latter  gives  besides  256,  which  he  considers  correct.     Anon.  Sufi 
ib.  quotes  Yafi'i's  Ta'rikh  to  the  effect  that  al-Hasan  died  when  the 
Mahdi  was  six  or  five  years  old,  which  would  imply  254  and  255  respect- 
ively. 

2  Already  as-Sayyid  al-Himyari  refers  to  such  a  tradition,  Agh.  VII,  4. 

3  Zeid.  Mutaz.  II1  quotes  a  tradition  according  to  which  Muhammed 
ordered  Ali  to  give  his  son  his  (the  prophet's)  name  and  kunya.     He  was 
referring  to  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya. 


54  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[48]  (1839),  p.  47.  The  Sunnitic  protest  against  the  transferring  of 
this  miracle  to  the  Mahdi  found  expression  in  an  interpretation 
forcibly  put  upon  the  well-known  hadith  —  in  itself  an  anti- 


Shiitic  protest—  j^yo"  ^  g***A  V!  >£&&°  V  "  there  is  no  Mahdi 

wv  'f- 

5  except  Jesus  "  '  :  ^^^  §f  (read  tX^O  &&-&&  3  T^Sx*  ^  i1 
"that  is,  none  except  Jesus  talks  in  the  cradle  (al-mahd)."  See 
IKhald.  II,  163  and  169. 

—  Lines  13,  15,  16.      On  the  name  or  names  of  the  Mahdi's 
mother  see  Diyarbekri,  II,  288,  IKhall.  No.  573,  who  also  adds 
io"Khamt"2  (a  sort  of  fragrant  milk).     Narjis  is  given  by  the 
authorities  quoted  by  Blochet,  p.  21.     See  also  Anon.  Sufi  fol. 

170a:  (j^jJ  \-&  JL*3   &1)  (*'  auo'-     On  the  custom  of   giving 
the  slaves  pet  names  of  this  description    (jj*^»vi    "narcissus," 
j-wwj—  "lily,"  hi**-  see  above,  &$&*>  "the  polished  one  (?)  "), 
15  see  the  remark  Miiller,  Islam  I,  570  footnote. 

[49]      49,  1.  4.     The  Dictionary  of  Technical  Terms  (ed.  Sprenger), 
p.   1308,   gives  the  following  definition  of  "Inspiration"   (al- 

ilham)  :  s 


men- 


Jj  yo  J.j   (read  soLiXAw!)    jU->Lax*J   V 
2otions  a  Stifi  sect  called  al-Ilhamiyya  aJa^ol  Ji.s  Jo!  Uiil^x)  jjLixj!^ 


This  claim  of  Inspiration  is  the  reason  why  the  Shiites  object 
to  religious  discussions,  p.  16". 

25  In  the  same  way  as  here  and  Text  p.  3516  ff.,  I.  H.  expresses 
himself  Ed.  IV,  1048:  "Some  of  them  (the  Imamiyya)  when 
asked  (to  prove)  the  truth  of  their  claim  regarding  the  Imams 
(i.  e.,  that  the  Imams  are  the  only  source  of  religious  knowl- 
edge) take  recourse  to  the  claim  of  Inspiration  in  this  matter. 

1  Comp.  Snouck-Hurgronje,  Der  Mahdi,  p.  16. 

"" 
8  Ed.    de  Slane,  p.  632,  has    U>  (  ^  j  ed.  Wiistenfeld  has  incorrectly 

y^  ^  *  ^^ 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  55 

But  if  they  arrive  at  this  sophism,1  then  the  latter  is  not  beyond  [49] 
reach  of  any  one  man,  and  their  opponents  are  very  well  able 
to  pretend  that  they  have  been  informed  by  way  of  inspiration 
of  the  absurdity  of  their  claim." 

A  Shiitic  writer  of  the  eleventh  century  (Hijra)  uses  the  fol-  5 
lowing  characteristic  argument  to  prove  the  superiority  of  the 
Imams  and  scholars  of  the  Shi  'a,  Goldziher,  Shi'a,  p.  509: 
"  because  their  words  are  not  a  matter  of  opinion  or  effort,  but 
of  true  knowledge.  Their  source  is  either  a  tradition  which 
every  one  of  them  has  received  from  his  father,  the  latter  10 
from  his  own  father  and  so  on  up  to  the  Prophet,  or  Revelation 
and  Inspii-ation,  so  that  both  small  and  big  are  equal  in  this 
respect  among  them.  For  this  reason  it  has  never  been  recorded 
of  any  of  them  that  he  has  ever  gone  to  a  teacher,  or  studied 
under  a  master,  or  asked  any  question."  is 

-  Note  5.  The  reading  of  Ed.  and  Codd.  presupposes  ouvif 
and  the  same  word  is  found  in  Ed.  Text  5713,  648  (see  also  Ed. 
IV,  9710).  It  is  possible  to  get  along  with  the  ordinary  meaning 


of  oLs        "clever,  ingenious." 

-  L.  9  (note  10).     I  took  this  as  an  example  of  some  mon-2o 
strous  (of  course,  imaginary)  charge  for  which  Inspiration  might 
be  invoked.      See  a  similar  charge  note  9.     Prof.  Noldeke  (in  a 
private  communication)  objects  to  this  interpretation.     He  pre- 

fers to  retain  (j^-»—  *  ^j-*  in  the  text  and  to  translate  "or  that 
all  of    them  have  a  piece   (lit.   a  branch)   of  madness  in  their  25 
heads." 

-  L.  13  ff.  (and  previously).     The  tone  in  which  I.  H.  speaks 
of  this  charge  of  illegitimate  birth  shows  that  he  takes  it  quite 
seriously.     I  have  not  found  any  reference   to  it  elsewhere.2 
The    concluding  words    of   this    paragraph    are    characteristic  so 
of    I.   H.'s  biting   sarcasm:    It    is    possible   that   you   all    may 
still  be  saved  by  becoming  orthodox  Muslims.     But  then  you 


see  P-  6  f  .     But  perhaps  ^  ^x!  '  '  narrow  path  "  ought  to 

be  read,  comp.  Text  p.  78-79  (repeatedly). 
•  One  is  vividly  reminded  of  the  frequently  quoted  sentence  £VymO 

{OH  "If  00  ilOO  #0tr  Wl  ^"O  "  as  he  is  so  impudent,  it  is  clear  that 
he  is  a  bastard."    Comp.  S.  Krauss,  Das  Leben  Jesu  (Berlin  1902),  pp.  188, 

278. 


56  I.  Friedlaender, 

[49]  will  have  proved,  according  to  your  own  contention,  that  you 

are  all  bastards. 
[50]      50,  1.  9  if.     Comp.  I.  H.'s  notice  (Ed.  IV,  19515)  :  ^ 

(read  jj^oJl)   ^f*^    baAM   (Cod.  L.  +    ^) 
5*li:2jJi  tXA+JUs  yOj  1  jyo  Ju  Juii'j  (read  x-i- 


Jahiz  died  in  Basra  in  255/869,  over  ninety  years  old,  IKhall. 
No.  479,  586;  Brockelmann  I,  152.  2  He  was  a  pupil  of  an- 
Nazzam  (p.  586),  whom  he  quotes  in  this  passage.  He  himself 

10  figures  as  the  founder  of  a  sect  bearing  his  name,  de  Boer,  53. 
I.  H.'s  remark  bearing  on  Jahiz  is  reflected  in  the  attitude 
towards  him  of  the  Arabic  literary  critics,  which  is  on  the 
whole  .more  hostile  than  favorable.  "The  style  of  his  genius 
is  mediocre"  is  the  verdict  of  de  Boer  (p.  54).  The  Muham- 

ismedan  writers,  however,  are  ready  to  appreciate  his  literary 
talent  and  particularly  his  eloquence,  e.  g.,  Masudi  VIII,  34; 
Shahr.  52  ;  Iji  341.  But  his  orthodoxy  is  held  in  great  suspicion, 
Goldziher,  Zahiriten,  p.  100.  IKhall.  (No.  186,  p.  125),  after 
stating  that  Jahiz  declared  Ibn  Mokaffa'  to  be  an  infidel,  sar- 

socastically  adds:  "But,  as  someone  remarked,  how  could  Juhiz 
have  forgotten  himself  ?  "  Still  less  favorably  than  his  ortho- 

doxy is  judged  his  moral  character.     Masudi  VIII,  34  says  of 

y 
him  briefly  but  poignantly  >«.^ci»-«  xjl^ojt  .     He  sells  his  literary 

talent  to  the  highest  bidder  and  writes  successively  in  favor  of 
25  the   'Abbasides,  the   'Othmanides  and  Merwanides,   ib.   p.  56.  3 
For  an  instance  of  his  unprincipled  attitude  see  later  (p.  10435  ff.). 
Extremely  intei'esting  is  the  crushing  criticism  of   Jahiz  as 
man  and  writer,  by  Bagd.  and  Isfr.     I  give  the  essential  parts 
of  Bagdadi's  remarks  (fol.    69a)4  as  they  are  apt  to  illustrate 

sol.  H.'s  utterance  in  our  passage:  ,-^ 


^.j  jJI  ^fl>5  Joa.14-1  (sic) 


1  Comp.  Kashi  38. 

2  Kremer,  Ideen,  p.  126,  note  17  gives  the  erroneous  date  235/849-850. 

3  See  Goldziher,  Muh.  St.  II,  120. 

4  Isfr.  37a  gives  substantially  the  same.     But  the  wording  is  quite 
different. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  57 

AJO    J,    la^Ull  xJ<X?  (jJLs?  !^JCcl  [50] 


XSj   [70a]  ....    l^lj,  auJ! 

^.iX.     S«.AA  XJuMXAJ      ^SXil.     RJyxJt^JI     ^  ^Axi    ..wO    &j!     ,v£.\. 


(read  L_OAAS     o*-axAfl  *j  ow4^X    *  U(j         ^-^   -AOXI 

/-2L*.    aLxjLjvXJI  ,^t   kxilJa^vJiJt    -&. 

^  ;1U+-M  J>-^J  >*->L^  L_dJUs    *-Xi    LIj>-ft  ^ 

^  Sc^^-" 

j.  (jO^xaJJI  JC^^» 

cVSj   c^l^UwtaJ!    -xis£ 
yc.   j^xxjl.^.]!  ^   aoLx 

^0     *Jo!      ^LJ!  >«j! 


1  See  Makr.  3489. 

2  Is  this  identical  with  his  Kitab  al-Bukhala? 

3  Isfr.  declares  it  to  be  his  most  important  (,Jutt)  work. 


58  I-  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


auJI    slxJL/    Ja^LLL?    /-^»'   ^j    vsJU-'b    [70b] 
[JuolSJI]  &xi  ^UJt  JyiT  io^Ut  3  xllj! 

)3  Vj.  (j^^°    4^  ^^  L^Lo   /-JW-4'  /s^" 

w   »,  u  °   ' 

Jo    ^ 


-  L.  14.  Abti  Ishak  Ibrahim  b.  Sayyar  an-Nazzam,  a  pupil 
of  Abu'l-Hudeil  3  (p.  6631)  and  teacher  of  al-Jahiz,  was  one  of  the 
most  respected  leaders  of  the  Mu'tazila,  "  noteworthy  as  a  man 
and  a  thinker,"  de  Boer  51.  He  flourished  about  221h,  Kremer, 
wideen  31;  Shahr.  18,  37,  39  ff.  ;  Iji  337  ff.  ;  Makr.  34612.  He 
leaned  towards  Shiism  ("Rafd"),  Shahr.  39;  Iji  338.  Bagd. 


49a  protests  against  the  interpretation  of   his    name    as   * 

and  explains  that  he  was  called 


so  because  5»-«ax     ^y*»  3,  \ 

is  —  Ibidem.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Bishr  b.  Khalid  is  other- 
wise unknown.  But  the  context  and  the  additional  remaivk  of 
Codd.  L.  Br.  (note  8)  strongly  suggest  that  he  is  identical  with 
the  highly  respected  Mu'tazila-Sheikh  Bishr  b.  al-Mu'tamir,  the 
founder  of  the  Bishriyya  sect.  He  is  mentioned  together  with 

5oan-Nazzam,  Shahr.  18;  Zeid.  Mutaz.  30;  comp.  Shahr.  44;  Iji 
338  and  others.  I.  H.,  too,  frequently  refers  to  him  in  his  Milal. 
Ed.  Ill,  12618,  I.  H.  mentions  an-Nazzam,  Abu'l-Hudeil,  Bishr 
b.  al-Mu'tamir  and  al-Jubba'i  as  remarkable  for  their  specula- 
tive and  argumentative  powers. 

26  I.  H.'s  (or  the  copyist's)  mistake  in  our  passage  may  perhaps 
be  explained  by  assuming  that  Bishr's  kunya  was  Abu  Khali  d. 
For  a  similar  mistake  see  p.  597. 

According  to  Zeid.  Mutaz.,  Bishr  was  imprisoned  by  Rashid 
on  the  charge  of  being  a  Shiite  (Rafidi).     But  he  denied  it  in 

so  one  of  his  poems. 

1  See  van  Vloten,  WorgeYs  59,  n.  16. 

2  Jahiz  was  frightfully  ugly,  Brockelmann,  Oeschichte  der  arabischen 
Litteratur,  popular  edition,  Leipzig  1901,  p.  98. 

3  Zeid.  Mutaz.  p.  25  ult.,  27. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites  ,  etc.  59 

-  L.  15.     I.   H.   consistently  designates  this  Muhammed  as  [50] 
the  son  of  Ja'far.     All  other  sources  call  him  "b.  an-Nu'inan," 
Fihr.   176;  Bagd.  and  Isfr.  frequently;  Tusy  No.  698;  Shahr. 
142;  Iji  347;  Makr.  34824,  353^;  IKhall.  No.  166;  Kdm^a  s.v. 


Lubb   al-Lubdb   s.   v.  aAXcJ.—  Agh.    VII    97  and  5 

Kashi  122,  123  call  him  Muh.  b.  All  b.  an-Nu'man.  His  kunya 
was  Abd  Ja'far  (Fihr.  176;  Shahr.  142;  Kashi  ib.,  Goldziher, 
Shi'-a  5091S),  hence  probably  the  mistake.  See  p.  5825. 

His  nickname  was    Sheitan  at-Tak   (see  the    sources   quoted 
above),  which,  according  to  Kamus,  signifies  "the  devil  of  at-io 
Talc,  a  citadel  in  Tabaristan."1  •  The  Shiites,  however,  call  him 
Mu'min  at-Tak,  Tusy  ib.  ;  Kashi  123.     The  sect  founded  by  him 
is  generally  called  Sheitaniyya.     Shahr.   calls  it  Nu'maniyya, 
(comp.  Goldziher  in  ZDMG.  61,  75,  n.  2).     He  was  an  adherent 
of  Ja'far  as-Sadik  (died  146),  who  valued   him  highly,  Kashi  is 
122.     He  had  a  dispute  with  as-Sayyid  al-Himyari  about  the 
Imamate  and  came  out  victorious,  Agh.  ib. 

His  ready  wit  is  attested  in  several  instances  quoted  by  Tusy 
and  Kashi. 

His  book  on  the  Imamate  referred  to  on  1.  17  is  duly  recorded  20 
by  Fihr.  and  Tusy. 

-  L.  18.     This  verse  plays  a  prominent  part  in  the  polemics 
between  Shiites  and  Sunnites.     Abu  Ja'far  at-Tusi,  the  author 


of  the  List  of   Shy'ah  books,  wrote  a  ^j 

xliJ!  iUJL*fcX>  £  (jtjLi,  p.  355,  No.  771.     Hisham  b.  al-Hakam25 

(p.  65  n)  is  the  author  of  a  ^AXJ!  v.jl^?!  ^s.  jJI  i^UcS"  by 
which  most  probably  our  verse  is  meant.  The  Caliph  al-Ma'mun 
anxiously  endeavors  to  refute  the  consequences  to  be  drawn 
from  this  verse  in  a  discussion  with  a  Sunnite,  Ikd  II.2 

1  Kashi  explains  the  name  in  a  very  artificial  manner.     He  was  once 

j> 

shown  a  Dirhem  and  he  said  :  \J)*Ji*j  "  it  is  forged"  ^t  *ff>  Lo  LJLfti 
oliaJt  jLUjL^.  —  Comp.  Barbier  de  Meynard  in  Journal  Asiatique 
1874,  p.  245  note:  "  Quant  an  surnom  Satan  du  portique,  je  n'en  ai  trouve 
1'explication  nulle  part."  Correct  ibidem  Hisham  b.  al-Hakain  for  Hi- 
cham b.  Malek. 
s  I  have  unfortunately  lost  the  reference  to  the  page. 


60  /.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[50]      I.    H.,   too,   lays  great  stress  on  this  verse  as   proving  the 
legitimacy  of  Abu  Bekr's  Imamate,  Ed.  IV,  14421  ff. 

51,1.1.  The  objection  appears  ridiculous  in  his  eyes  because 
in  his  belief  the  verse  is  an  interpolation  of  the  Ashab,  see 

sp.  61  f. 

-  L.  3.  His  full  name  is  Ali  b.  Isma'il  b.  Mitham1  at-Tam- 
mar (see  the  references  later),  but  he  is  frequently  called  Ali 
b.  Mitham,  so  here  and  Text  p.  75",  Bagd.  21b.2  The  variant 
(VAX*  (instead  of  *£**)  occurs  frequently,  see  Text  p.  75,  note 

io!2;  Masudi  VI,  369;  Tab.  (in  the  variants  to  the  passages  quoted 
below  n.  1) ;  Makr.  35122  (de  Sacy  II,  5H9  has,  however,  Ma'itham). 
The  reading  and  pronunciation  Mitham  is  confirmed  by  Bagd. 
See  also  Fihr.  174  note  4.  Instead  of  at-Tammar,  Fihrist  gives 
at-Tayyar.s  The  by-name  as-Sabuni  (the  soap  boiler)  is  not 

15  found  elsewhere. 

His  grandfather  Mitham  at-Tammar  was  an  esteemed  follower 
of  Ali,  Fihr.  ib. ;  Tusy  p.  212,  No.  458 ;  Kashi  (in  a  separate 
article)  53-58.  Makr.  35124  (  =  de  Sacy  II,  589)  erroneously 
refers  this  adherence  to  Ali  b.  Isma'il  himself. — Ali  was  l>y 

aooi'igin  from  Kufa*  and  was  a  client  of  the  Banu  Asad,  but  he 
lived  in  Basra.  He  participated  in  conjunction  with  those 
named  Text  p.  7522  in  a  discussion  in  the  Majlis  of  the  Bar- 
mekide  vizier  Yahya,  Masudi  VI,  369.  He  had  a  dispute  with 
Abu'l-Hudeil  and  an-Nazzam,  Tusy  ib. 

25  He  is  regarded  as  the  originator  of  the  Imamite  doctrine, 
Masudi,  Fihr.,  Tusy,  Makr.  (=de  Sacy).  Bagd  21b:  ^^^  ^ 
x-o.il  j_M.  In  spite  of  it,  he  is  reported  to  have  been  moderate 
in  the  deminciation  of  Ali's  opponents,  see  Text  p.  7921 ;  comp. 
Wolff,  Drusen,  p.  80,  82. 

30  He  is  in  all  probability  identical  with  Ali  b.  Isma'il,  who 
gave  the  Musawiyya  the  nickname  Mamtura,  p.  40". 

1  Tab.  Ill,  24913,  254",  2881  inserts  between  Isma'il  and  Mitham  the 
name  Salih.     See,  however,  ib.  288  note  a. 

2  Kashi  170  calls  him  repeatedly  ^jo    ..kjt,  also    Joui+AJ    ^j  J^£. 
_4JixJI.     Goldziher,  Shi'a  5106      ti'^^Ji  (cf.  ib.  n.  5). 

3  There  is  one  xLJaJ!  mentioned  Kashi  176s  among  the  intimates  of 

Ja'far  as-Sadik  who  may  be  identical  with  him.  Ja'far  alludes  to  the 
meaning  of  the  name  (1793),  so  that  a  mere  copyist's  error  is  out  of  the 
question. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  61 

-  L.  11.     Perhaps  the  reason  for  it  is  that  the  Rawafid  have  [51] 
no  hesitation  to  change  their  minds,  as  they  attribute  the  same 
(see  on  the  Bada  doctrine,  p.  726)  to  God. 

-  L.  14.     The  belief   in  "tabdil"  is,  properly  considered, 
the  basis  of  Shiitic  doctrine.     It  accounts  for  the  lack  of  the  5 
Prophet's   written  announcement   regarding  the    succession    of 
Ali  and  justifies  the  distrust  toward  the  bearers  of  the  Sunna, 
which  again  is  the  starting  point  for  a  complete  remodelling  of 
Islam.     Isfr.  14''  ably  summarizes  the  far-reaching  consequences 

of  this  belief  :  auyoLoV!   ^%j    ^  ^&\J>  J$'&  ^»  *A*S>  ,jl  p-^'j  10 


He.    -It  tXi' 

JJjs    ^./o    ^LaJuJt^    Sk>L>UI    XAJ    oJW^  ,jl5 

&  -» 

iiuoLxi!   ^fr   (ja-iJ!    xxi    (jL^Jo    xj' 

-w^   [15°] 


V    au!    ^j  (  t 

«* 

-tXjl  3,  ^xJ!  jut.jj.xiJI 


AJI   oi-JXi'   X 


.v*.;.        x      -. 


*Ub  V  j!   JXJ! 


More  comprehensively,  and,  as  is  to  be  expected,  from  a 
higher  point  of  view  does  I.  H.  deal  with  this  problem.  Hav-25 
ing  proved  that  the  Gospels  had  been  intei-polated,  I.  H.  (Ed.  II, 
76*  ff.)  quotes  two  Christian  counter-arguments  which  he  tries 
elaborately  to  refute.  The  first  is  that  the  Caliph  Othman 
removed  numerous  readings  from  the  Koran,  and  the  other 


62  ./.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[51]  "that  the  Rawafid  maintain  that  the  Companions  of  your 
Prophet  altered  the  Koran  by  way  of  omissions  and  additions." 
The  first  objection  I.  H.  discards  briefly,  though  somewhat 
superficially,  by  pointing  out  that  in  the  time  of  Othman  the 
5  Koran  text  was  already  so  wide-spread  and  so  firmly  established, 
that  the  Caliph  could  not,  even  if  he  would,  change  it.1  "As 
for  their  argument  regarding  the  Rawafid  and  their  contention 
that  the  Koran,  readings  were  interpolated,  the  Rawafid  do  not 
belong  to  the  Muslims.  They  consist  of  a  number  of  sects,  the 

10  first  of  which  arose  twenty-five  years  after  the  Prophet's  death. 
It  was  originally  the  response  of  some  people  abandoned  by  Allah 
to  the  call  of  those  who  beguiled  Islam,2  a  party  which  followed 
the  course  of  the  Jews  and  Christians  as  regards  falsehood  and 
heresy.  They  are  divided  into  various  sections.  The  most 

15  extravagant  of  them  assume  the  divinity  of  Ali  b.  Abi  Talib  and 
of  a  number  of  people  besides  him.  The  least  extravagant  of 
them  believe  that  the  sun  was  twice  turned  backwards  for  Ali.3 
How  can  one  be  indignant  over  lies  coming  from  people  whose 
lowest  rank  in  lying  is  such  (as  described)  ? "  He  then  pro- 

2oceeds  elaborately  to  refute  this  charge.  He  cleverly  beats  the 
Rawafid  with  their  own  weapons  by  pointing  (Ed.  II,  8016)  to 
the  fact  that  Ali  himself,  "who  according  to  most  of  them  is  a 
god,  a  creator,  and,  according  to  some  of  them,  a  prophet 
endowed  with  speech,  while  in  the  opinion  of  the  rest  he  is  an 

25  infallible  Imam,  the  obedience  to  whom  is  a  religious  command 
imposed  by  Law,"  did  not  object  to  the  Koran  in  its  present 
shape  and,  while  Caliph,  did  not  fight  the  interpolators,  which 
would  have  been  his  sacred  duty.  "Thus  the  mendacity  of  the 
Rawafid  becomes  evident,  and  praise  be  unto  Allah,  the  Lord 

so  of  (all)  Created  Beings !  " 

A  brief  reference  to  the  same  subject  is  contained  Ed.  IV, 
14616:  "unless  the  Rawafid  fall  back  on  ignoring  the  Koran 
and  (assuming)  omissions  and  additions  in  it.  This  is  some- 
thing whereby  becomes  evident  their  impudence,  ignorance  and 

35  stupidity." 

A  thorough  discussion  of  the  whole  question  and  a  refutation 
of  the  charges  raised  as  well  by  modern  scholars  can  be  found 
in  Noldeke,  Geschichte  des  Qorans,  p.  217  ff.  See  also  Gold- 
ziher,  Muh.  St.  II,  111  ff. 

1  Ed.  II,  783.  <>  See  p  16  n  2.  3  See  p<  68- 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  63 

— L.   17.     On    Abu'l-Kasim  AH  Du'1-Majdein  'Urn   al-Huda  [51] 
al-Murtada,  the  Nakib    of   the    Shiites,  355/966-436/1044,    see 
Tusy,  No.  472,  p.   218;  IKhall.,  No.  454.     His  negative  atti- 
tude towards  the  "tabdil"  doctrine  is  perhaps  implied  in  Tusy's 

remark  ao'^jJ!  '^•^aj  ^i  s»-oo  JoLw*x>  aJj.    His  genealogy  appears  5 
both  in  Ed.  and  Codd.  in  mutilated  shape.     I  have  restored  it 
with  the  help  of  Gen.   Leyd.,  Wiistenfeld,  Tabellen  Y  32,  and 
Tusy.     IKhall.  (and  following  him,  Brockelmann  I,  404)  omits 
Musa  between  Muhammed  and  Ibrahim. 

—  Note  12.      "Better  to  be  translated :   ' yet  at  the  same  time  10 
he  openly  and  publicly  declared  himself  a  Mu'tazilite.'     (The 
same  in  Text  1.   20.)     Otherwise    (*-$-*••*  or  ,»g*c  could  not.be 
missing."     (Noldeke.) 

— L.  21  f.     I  could  find  nothing  bearing  on  Abu  Ya'la.     As 
a   possibility    I    would    suggest  his  identity  with  at-Tusi,    the  is 
author  of  the  frequently  quoted  List  of  Shy 'ah  books.     He  calls 
himself  a  pupil  of  AH  al-Murtada  (List.  p.  218,  No.  472).     He 
is  counted  Shahr.  145  among  the  writers  of  the  Imamiyya.     A 
catalogue  of  his  own  writings,  List,  p.  285,  No.   620. — I^VA.** 
as  a  proper  name  occurs  Fihr.  180".     The  variant  J^x*  seems  20 
much    easier.     But    4>^xxi    designates    the    date,     not,    as   we 
expect  here,  the  place  of  birth. 

52,  1.  1.     I  have  not  been  able  to  identify  this  Abu'l-Kasim.  [52] 

— L.  5  f .     The  belief  in  Transmigration  is  not  characteristic 
of  the  Keisaniyya,  but  is  rather,  as  I.   H.  himself  points  out  25 
(Ed.  IV,  19813),  a  logical  consequence  of  the  Mu'tazilite  doc- 
trine of  Divine  Justice  which  necessitates  an  exact  retribution 
after    death.1     This   belief,   however,  is    attributed    to   several 
men  known  as  Keisanites,   so  to  as-Sayyid  al-Himyari  (in  our 
passage),2  Kuthayyir  (p.  2627),  'Abdallah  b.  Mu'awiya  (p.  44"),  so 
Abu  Muslim,   (p.   64'°). — Makr.    3549    mentions  a  special    sect 
"  Tanasukhiyya." 

On  the  relation  between  Tanasukh  and  Raj 'a,  see  p.  26  f. 

See  also  next  note. 


1  See  Schreiner,  Der  Kaldm  in  der  judischen  Litteratur,  p.  62  ff. 

2  Dahabl,  Ta'rikh  al-Isldm,  vol.  VII  (MS.  Strassburg,  not  paginated) 
in  the  biography  of  as-Sayyid,  quotes  I.  H.  as  authority  for  the  assump- 
tion that  as-Sayyid  shared  this  belief. 


64  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

52]  —  L.  8  ff.  The  peculiar  procedure  described  in  this  para- 
graph is  the  outcome  of  the  belief  in  Transmigration.  I.  H.'s 
own  expositions  on  the  subject  of  Tanasukh  (Ed.  IV,  9014ff.  in 
a  special  chapter)  are  apt  to  illustrate  and  explain  our  passage. 
5  "Those1  that  believe  in  the  Transmigration  of  Souls  are  divided 
into  two  sections:  one  section  holds  that  the  souls  on  leaving 
the  bodies  are  transferred  to  other  bodies  which2  are  different 
from  the  kind  of  bodies  they  had  left.  This  is  the  belief  of 
Ahmad  b.  Ha'it3  [V  -4-  the  pupil  of  an-Nazzam]4,  of  Ahmad  b. 

loNanus,5  his  pupil  [V.  :  the  pupil  of  Ibn  Ha'it],  of  Abu  Muslim 
of  Khorasan,  of  Muhammed  b.  Zakariya  ar-Razl,  the  physician,6 
who  expressly  advocates  this  (doctrine)  in  his  book  entitled 
"al-'Ilm  al-Ilahi."  This  is  also  the  belief  of  the  Carmathians 
[V-j-tfAe  Keisdniyya  and  some  of  the  Rdfida\  .  .  .  These  peo- 

15  pie  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  Transmigration  of  Souls  takes 
place  in  the  form  of  Punishment  and  Reward.  They  say  :  the 
soul  of  the  sinner  who  has  made  himself  guilty  of  bad  actions  is 
transferred  to  the  bodies  of  repulsive  animals7  which  wallow  in 
all  kinds  of  filth,  which  are  forced  to  work,  are  inflicted  witli 

20  pain,  and  are  used  for  slaughtering."  See  also  Ed.  IV,  1987ff. 
-  Note  5.  The  addition  of  L.  Br.  is  not  justified.  The 
hatred  of  the  Rawafid  concentrates  itself  on  Abu  Bekr  and 
'Omar.  See  the  interesting  remark  Milal  V,  60^  8  -£j  »JL3 

&JLJ!          &         -+£.+ 


25  •  £ 

An  instance  of  the  intense  hatred  of  the  Shiites  towards  the 
"two  Sheikhs"  which  is  as  curious  as  it  is  typical  is  quoted 

'    '  -  0  -  C   >  ^  ., 

Mirza  fol.  52b:   «_**$'  v^Lxxxa  ^  s^  Lo  &U^sJi  *.^J'!«.AiO   ^>o. 

1  I  add  a  few  important  variants  from  Cod.  V  (50°),  L  siding  with  Ed. 

2  Ed.  I  90"  strike  out    ^L.     V:    c^       .£     .y,       U    .>L^»      »| 

r 


3  Ed.  ,kjL>.,  see  p.  1011. 

4  See  p.  586. 

5  V.  ^oU.  p.  1019  ". 

6  See  de  Boer,  p.  77  fif. 

7  The  following  differently  worded  in  V. 

=L.  I,  42*.     I  cannot  identify  the  passage  in  Ed. 


8 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  65 

«o 


&JUI 


aJUt  tXx£:      j|  JULc  l*jj      utf   JLi' 


-  WU'   I 

jjAjUoJCj  Lib"  ^.j  jJI  [53U]   ^xisU^-'  ,j»*   (read 
X  (sic)  t<X&-U  oiai*  aJJ!  ^5-"*)  ,-v^  b  JL&i  ^j 


xJU!    Tjo  J^LA*     JJ! 


The  story  is  not  impossible.     At  any  rate  :  se  non  e  vero  .  .  . 

-  L.  17.     On  Hisham  see  also  Text'p.  7422  ff.,  7522.—  Hishamio 
b.   al-Hakam  Abu  Muhammed    al-Ahwal   ar-Rafidi   (al-Hai-rar, 
Masudi  VII,  231)  was  born  in  Wasit  (Kashi  165),  but  lived  in 
Kufa  as  a  client  of  the  Banft  Asad  (Text  52,  note  10),  or  of  the 
Banu  Kinda  (Kashi;  Fihr.   175;    Tusy,  p.  355,  No.  771).     He 
moved  to  Bagdad3  in  199  and  is  said  to  have  died  in  the  same  year.4  is 
He  belonged  to  the  intimate  circle  of  Milsa  b.   Ja'far  (p.  3916), 
but  he  had  also,  when  still  a  young  man  (Kashi  167),  come  in 
contact  with  Ja'far  (Fihr.,  Tusy),  who  converted  him  from  his 
heresies  to  the  orthodox  Imamitic  belief  (Kashi).     In  spite  of 
the  difference  in    opinion,   he   held    intimate    intercourse  with  20 
'Abdallah  b.  Yazid,  the  founder  of  the  Kharijite  sect  Ibadiyya, 
Masudi  V,  343. 

He  was    considered    an    authority  on  the  Imamate  question. 
When  a  Syrian  once  came  to  Ja'far  and  insisted,  among  other 
things,  on  having  an  argument    about    the    Imamate,    he  was  25 
referred  to  Hisham  (Kashi  179).     The  theory  of  the  Imamate 
is  the  central  point  of  his  doctrine.     He  compared  the  Imamate 

1  Ja'far  as-Sadik. 

-  This  either  refers  to  Shei^an  a$-T&k(p.  599)  or  to  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam, 
this  page,  1.  11.     They  both  bore  the  nickname  al-Ahwal. 

3  Kashi  quotes  an  exact  topographical  description  of  his  Bagdad  resi- 
dence by  an  eye-witness. 

4  According  to  Kashi,  he  died  in  Kufa  twenty  years  earlier,  179,  during 
the  reign  of  ar-Rashid.     But  this  can  scarcely  be  correct,  as  he  was  a 
young  man  during  Ja'far's  (died  140)  lifetime.    See  the  following. 

VOL.  xxix.  5 


66  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[52]  with  the  heart  in  the  human  body,  Masudi  VII,  234,  236.  See 
his  pretty  and  elaborate  comparison  of  the  limbs  with  the 
Imamate,  Kashi  176.  *  He  belonged  to  the  Kitti'iyya,  who 
admitted  Musa  b.  Ja'far's  death,  p.  5117. 

5  In  the  domain  of  Kalam,  Hisham  occupied  a  prominent 
position.  He  was  the  representative  of  a  grossly  anthropo- 
morphistic  doctrine  and,  in  conjunction  with  Hisham  al-Juwaliki 
(p.  13236),  was  considered  the  founder  of  the  Ilishamiyya  sect,2 
Bagd.  19b,  125a;  Isfr.  14a,  15%  54b;  Shahr.  18,  60,  76,  141  ff  .  ; 
10  Iji  346. 

-  L.  18.  See  Text  7524.  Abu  Ali  is  called  the  pupil  or 
adherent  (sahib)  of  Hisham  in  the  other  sources  as  well.  His 
by-name  is  uncertain;  see  the  variants  p.  52  note  12  and  75  note 
13.  Masudi  YI,  369  has  JLCJI  ;  Shahr.  145  JlCi,  the  same 
isFihr.  176  (var.  JIX»*/).  I  have  adopted  the  reading  of  L 
Text  7524:  "ash-Shakkak,"  "the  sceptic."  Masudi  expressly 
designates  him  as  Imamite.  Shahr.  counts  him  among  the 
writers  of  the  Imumiyya.  The  title  of  his  book  recorded  Fihr. 

ib.  points  to  the  same  thing  : 


20 

-  L.  19.     Comp.  the  discussion  of  this  question  Ed.  II,  12S. 

An  elaborate  account  of  Hisham's  theory  of  Divine  Knowledge 

is  given  Bagd.   20&  and  Shahr.   59  ff.     It  became  popular  not 

only  with  Shiites,  e.  g.,  the  Sheitaniyya  (p.  5913),  Isfr.  54b  ;  Shahr. 
25142;  Iji  347;  Makr.  353;   or  Zurara  b.  A'yun  (Shahr.,  Makr.), 

but  also  with  Mu'tazilites,  the  famous  al-Jubba'i  approving  of 

it  (Shahr.  59). 
[53]      53,1-  1.    .  "  Abu'l-Hudeil  b,   Makhul    al-'Allaf,3  a  client   of 

the  'Abd  al-Keis  of  Basra,  one  of  the  leaders  and  foremost  men 
aoof  the  Mu'tazila"  (Ed.  IV,  19217),  died  about  235  (Shahr.  37; 

IKhall.  No.   617  4  ;  Zeid.  Mutaz.   28)   at  an  extremely  old  age 


1  Ja'far    is    so    delighted    with    his    expositions    that    he    exclaims 
^y>j   pA»Ljf  ^i?  ^  v^AJCo  I  j^O,  ib.  177.     [Cf.  I  Cor.  12,  12  ff.] 

5  Makr.  348&  calls  it  also  al-Hakamiyya,  after  the  name  of  his  father 
(comp.  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  61,  75  n.  2). 

3  Zeid.  Mutaz.  25  £  oofc'  S^oJL?  Ssb   ^ 


IKhall.  gives  besides  226  and  227.     Iji  336  has  erroneously  135. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  67 

(Zeid.   Mutaz.).  —  He  was  an  opponent  of    anthropomorphism.  [53] 
On  his  doctrines  see  de  Boer  49  ff. 

On  his  disputes  with  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam  see  the  sources 
quoted  p.  66,  11.  12-13,  espec.  Shahr.  18,  141.  According  to 
Zeid.  Mutaz.  26  and  somewhat  in  contradiction  with  53  note  1  and  5 
this  page,  1.  27,  Abu'l-Hudeil,  while  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Mekka, 
paid  a  visit  to  Kufa  and  there  met  Hisham  and  other  opponents, 
with  whom  he  victoriously  argued  about  subtle  Kalam  matters. 
-  L.  2.  This  utterance  is  attributed  —  erroneously  as  Makr. 
348  -3-  points  out  —  to  Mukatil  b.  Suleiman  (p.  II30),  see  alsoio 
Shahr.  141.  —  The  purport  of  this  utterance  is  rather  obscure, 
in  spite  of  the  following  two  notices  which  sound  more  intelli- 
gible. Bagd.  20(i:  St>^-ou>  j,  JU>  xJ>! 


Similarly  15 
Mirza  fol.  SO''  from  Imam  ar-Razi's  (died  606/1209)  Milal  wtfn- 


vl  Jc\JLo  ^1  *$^\.  Accordingly, 
the  most  proportionate  human  figure  is  that  whose  height 
("length,"  53  note  2)  is  seven  times  the  size  of  its  own  "  span,  "20 
and  Hisham,  who  was  excessively  anthropomorphistic  (p.  669), 
conceived  God  as  a  human  figure  of  the  most  proportionate  size. 
But  "span"  (shibr)  is  too  large  in  this  connection.  Perhaps  it 
signifies  here  a  smaller  mea'sure  (see  Dozy  sub  voce). 

Interesting   and    characteristic  of   Hisham's  doctrine    is   the  25 


notice  Bagd.  20"  :  *Lci.JC   JiJ  aut  auJo  (j*aju  £  Jo<X$Jt  •_}! 

&>>.*OIX>        A$|     L«j!     xJL***J     (JJ^A-O     ,fd     J^^1    <X*- 

(add  ^1)  JLaj  xxJU  ^  ^JL)  ^\  Jl  .Lcoti  JU 

gjuo  -vla^l  J-^-'  fj'«      "Hisham    indicated   that   the    mountain 
towered  above  Him  the  Exalted,  i.  e.    (he  meant  to  say)  thatao 
the  mountain  was  bigger  than  God." 

-  L.  3.  The  reading  adopted  in  the  text  is  found  Text 
p.  75"  and  Bagd.  124a  (with  a  soft  ^-  under  the  line).  ^^ 
occurs  frequently,  see  the  variants  53  n.  4  and  75  n.  11,  Shahr. 


68  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[53]  77  (  —  Haarbr.  115)  ;  Wolff,  Drusen4S.  ^'^4-'  is  found  Shahr. 
143  (Haarbr.  215)  ;  Isfr.  55a  and  is  also  reflected  in  the  reading 
of  Ed.  in  our  text,  note  4.  —  On  his  extravagantly  anthropomor- 
phistic  doctrines  see  the  sources  just  quoted,  espec.  Shahr.  143. 
-  L.  6.  I.  H.  refers  twice  to  the  same  belief  in  his  Milal. 
Ed.  II,  788:  "Those  of  them  (the  Shiites)  who  are  the  least 
extravagant  (still)  believe  that  the  sun  was  turned  back  twice 
for  Ali  b.  A.  T."  Ed.  V,  322,  in  discussing  the  question  whether 
miracles  can  be  performed  by  non-prophets,  he  refers  to  "the 

10  claim  of  the  Rawafid  that  the  sun  was  turned  back  twice  for 
Ali  b.  A.  T."  He  quotes  as  illustration  a  poem  of  as-Sayyid 
al-Himyari  referring  to  the  turning  back  of  the  sun,  in  order  to 
enable  Ali  to  recite  the  prescribed  prayer  (see  later),  and  to  the 
same  miracle  happening  a  second  time  —  if  the  reading  be  cor- 

isrect  —  in  Babylon  ('Irak).1  •  He  further  quotes  a  poem  by  Habib 
b.  Aus  (Abu  Tamam,  died  231)  of  which  the  last  verse  reads 
thus:  "  By  Allah,  I  do  not  know  whether  Ali  has  appeared  to  us 
and  the  sun  has  been  turned  back  for  him,  or  whether  Joshua  has 
been  among  the  people."  He  points  out,  however,  that  the 

20  verse  in  this  form  is  a  forgery  and  that  the  correct  reading 
offers  something  entirely  different.2 

1  The  quotation  from  as-Sayyid  which  is  found  in  L.  II,  166''  is  omitted 
in  Ed.  and  runs  as  follows:  " 


(L.  unp.) 
I  am  not  certain  as  to  the  meaning  of  ^   A^  (sic)  ^JL^jLj.      In  L 

follows  a  rhymed  refutation  by  Ibn  Hazm  which  is  missing  in  Ed.     The 
text  is  too  doubtful  to  allow  of  a  reproduction. 

2  j!  JU* 


This  remark  is  missing  in   Ed.     In  the  second  verse  L  offers  the 
undoubtedly  correct  reading  cC^sJf  »L»-wwJi  *—  'r^  I  gv-«rv  7^  f 


w  • 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  69 

The  miracle  of    tbe  standstill  of    the  sun  is  reported  in  con-  [53] 
nection  with  Ali  in  two  cases.     In  one  case  the  sun  halted  to 
enable  Ali  to  complete  the  conquest  of  a  besieged  city.     The 
Sunnites  claim  this   miracle    for   the    Prophet    (see   Goldziher, 
Ifi'li.    St.  II,  331  and  at  the  end  of  this  note).     In  the  other  5 
Muhammed  bids  the  sun  to  rise  again  to  enable  the  belated  Ali 
to  recite  the  afternoon  prayer,   Goldziher  ib.,  and  note  9.     It 
seems  that  official  Shiitic  tradition  takes  cognizance  merely  of 
the   latter  case.     At  least  it  is  the  only  one  which  figures  as 
'  '  the  Hadith   of   the  Turning  back  of  the  Sun  "  recorded  by  10 
Sibt,  Imams  fol.  32a.     I  reproduce  the  chapter  in  extenso  as  it 
gives  an  exhaustive  presentation  of  the  subject  and  contains, 
besides,'  numerous  points  of  interest. 


..wMh         CA£.  *-wwo    «j!  Li!    (jj*+x 


tJLs     --~»_^.     L*-  > n***1     .»•-" 
^ 


-^.j  yo.  * 


V*\         &3       «Mdu         oOv£- 


auJLc.   *Sj>,l3   JU.^N 


,53.    >ioj^!    liXso      jj    i-a*A:)    Joj    »J    ad.J!    Uc^wj 

^    ajLi'^    c^Lcj^o^Jt 
5J   cv\Lo     -o-xJ!   S».*L£. 

[32b] 


1  Jamal    ad-Din    Abu'l-Faraj   al-Jauzl,   died  597/1200,   Brockelmann 
I,  500. 

2  Here  begins  the  quotation. 

3  See  the  definition  given  by  Ta'rifat  in  Frey  tag's  Lexicon  sub  voce. 

4  Died  544/1149,  Brockelmann,  I,  369. 


70  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908 

yj  „  ^ 

[53]  ^.^i  £  s^j    &jl  '^UvioJI 


^53; 


- 

aJ    JUi    (Ms.    «ui.)    eOi.    £3*5  J;  auJ! 
5jLoi    V  JLiLs 


s 


Jb  cyliS'  L^j'!^   ^LjCAjb'  (jbo!^  Jt 

/^~'^° 


S.-AJ 


gvy     (j     (jJ  £-"'jJ          [33a] 

•  Q 

J,!   ^i^J  .. 


-J<^t     <jV 


>» 

xJLJ!   ^-o  Jb  Jo«  (add  ^LuoV!!.*-*  ?) 


1  Died  321/933,  Brock.,  I,  173. 

9  The  author  of  Disputatio  pro  religione  Mohammedanorum  adversus 
Christianas  (wrote  about  942/1535),  ed.  van  den  Ham,  Leyden  1890, 
p.  243,  quotes  this  hadith  almost  verbatim. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  71 

AJ  [53] 


*  Jo.ct.Jt  ^£<ou     -jut       .. 


-.i+     jj_*2.AX)    «j 

iy*,iX/e  aus>.UdLj  *  Jo.ct.Jt  ^£<>Lou!t 

/-*ax 
L^f  v 
^  USLl   /-^J'  J^  ^^«axx>  ^jt  J.LAJ 


iwJj  5 


1*1  W.  (&?}*•* 


*if 

o- 


i.*.^   »-^-fr     <?X!5       °  *^)        -*  (j^».    o.3i« . 

In  conclusion  follows  a  lengthy  poem  bearing  on  this  hadith 
by  Ibn  'Abbad  called  Kafi'l-Kufat  (died  385). 

It  is  clear  from  this  account  that  the  legend  wavers  between 
the  standstill  of  the  sun  (see  the  legend  quoted  at  the  beginning ;  15 
the  verses  just  quoted  speak  in  the  same  way  of    "Wukuf") 
and  its  rising  again,  the  latter  being  represented  in  the  hadith 
attributed  to  Asma.     The  two  forms  of   the  legend  bear  the 
same  relation  to  one  another  as  the  solar  miracle    of    Joshua 
(Joshua  10,   13)  to  the  one  under  Hezekiah  (II  Kings  20,  11 520 
Is.  38,  8). 

The  hadith  owes  its  origin  to  the  Shiitic  tendency  to  pattern 
the  biography  of  Ali,  the  "  wasi"  (legatee,  cf.  Introd.  p.  22)  of 
Muhammed,  after  Joshua,  the  wast  of  Mo^es.  See  another 
instance  of  this  tendency,  Shahr.  132.  I  believe  for  this  reason  25 
that  the  miracle  referred  to  p.  693  is  originally  a  Shiitic  invention 
and  its  transfer  to  Muhammed  a  polemical  attempt  on  the  part 
of  the  Sunnites. 

1  Died  547h. 

-  Or  .fA+\.     I  am  not  quite  clear  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  sentence. 


72  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[53]        -  L.  9.     I  am  not  certain  as    to  the  meaning  of   this  line. 

Does  the  reference  to  the  nearness  of  age  (see  note  9)  imply  a 

reproach  against  Asma,   the  author  of  the  hadith  ?     I  cannot 

make  out  what  the  reference  to  the  multitude  of  people,  which 

5  is  missing  in  L.  Br.,  is  meant  to  convey  here. 

—  L.  12.  The  doctrine  of  Bada  (i.  e.  "pleasing  "  :  if  anything 
pleases  God,  he  may  change  a  previous  decision)  presup- 
poses the  belief  in  the  changeability  of  the  Divine  Will 
(cf.  p.  66")  and  is  a  counterpart  of  the  orthodox  belief  in 

10  Naskh  (the  abolition  by  God  of  a  previously  revealed  Law). 
Generally  this  doctrine  is  regarded  as  a  specific  tenet  of  the 
Keisaniyya,  Bagd.  llb;  Makr.  3522;  Iji,  who  makes  no  mention 
of  the  Keisaniyya,  enumerates  in  their  stead  the  Bada'iyya 
(3484).  This  belief  is  supposed  to  have  been  invented  ad  //<><• 

15  by  Mukhtar  (p.  7917)  when,  contrary  to  his  prophecies,  he  was 
defeated  in  battle,  Bagd.  15a;  Isfr.  lla;  Shahr.  110.  Well- 
hausen,  however,  points  out  (  Opp.  88)  that,  according  to  Tab. 
II,  73210  and  706",  it  was  'Abdallah  b.  Nauf  who  originated 
this  doctrine,  in  opposition  to  Mukhtar.1 

20  The  Zeidite  Suleiman  b.  Jarir  (p.  136')  makes  the  Rawafid  (  = 
Imamiyya,  Appendix  A)  in  general  responsible  for  this  belief, 
Shahr.  119  penult.2  IBab.,  however,  (I'tikadat  fol.  6a)  protests 
against  those  who  charge  the  Imamites  with  Bada.  These  peo- 
ple merely  imitate  the  Jews  who  prefer  the  same  charge  (he 

25  apparently  means  Naskh)  -against  the  Muslims.  He  quotes 
Ja'far  as-Sadik  as  saying  that  he  who  believes  in  Bada  is  a 
Kafir.3 

A  curious  instance  of  the  application  of  the  Bada  doctrine  is 
quoted  lAth.  VIII,  21.     Abu'l-Khattab  (p.  112)  and  his  adher- 

soents  claimed  that  no  sword  could  do  them  any  harm.  But  when 
some  of  them  had  been  executed,  he  resorted  to  the  pretext: 
"since  it  pleased  God  to  do  otherwise,  how  can  I  help  it"? 

Ui  *JJ  Ijo  AS      tf  I  <M 


1  It  must  be  remarked,  however,  that  Tab.  II,  73210,  a  variant,  reads 
Mukhtar  instead  of  'Abdallah  b.  Nauf. 

2  This  passage  is  quoted  Anon.  Sufi  fol.  120a  in  the  name  of  Fakhr 
ad-Din  ar-Razl  (died  606h). 

3  The  text  of  this  passage  is  apparently  corrupt  and  does  not  allow  of 
a  reproduction. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  73 

—  L.  13,     I    have    not   been    able   to  find   an  authority  for  [53] 
this  statement.     The  number  of  (official)  wives  legally  permit- 
ted by  law  is  four,  Koran  4,  4. 

-  L.  14.     On   similar  dietary  restrictions  by  a  Carmathian 
missionary  see  later  p.  7614.     The  prohibition  of  cabbage  is  very  5 
old.     The  pagans  considered  the  eating  of  it  disgraceful  and 
the    Harranians   in    later   times    clung    to    the    same    custom, 
Ohwolsohn,  Ssabier  II,  110.     In  our  passage  apparently  the,  red 
cabbage  is  referred  to.     The  reason  given  for  the  prohibition 
reminds    one    vividly    of    the    popular    Shiitic    notion  —  which  10 
originally  was  no  doubt  but  a  poetical  figure  —  that  the  sunset 
glow    represents    the    blood    of    al-Husein    and   never   existed 
before,  Goldziher,  Huh.  St.  II,  331. 

-  L.  18.     This  notion  is  probably  the  consequence  of   the 
great  emphasis  laid  by  the  Shiites  on  the  significance  of  the  is 
name    AH    ("Exalted").     One  is   reminded    of   Koran    19,   8, 
where  the  prediction  of   Yahya's  (John's)  birth  is  followed  by 

|£-         >     O"      O  >  -j        0."0-?V. 

the  solemn  declaration  Lx*-^  J^xi'  ^A  aJ  <>Ji^  *J.     Comp.   also 

the  stress  laid  on  the  identity  of  the  Mahdi's  name  with  that  of 
the  Prophet,  p.  53.  20 

54,1.1.     Comp.    Wiistenfeld,    Tabellen    B  13.—  "Von    ihm  [54] 
(i.  e.,  Ali  b.  Bekr.  b.  Wail)  kommen  alle,  die  im  Stamme  Nizar 
mit  ihrem  Geschlechtsnamen  'Alawi  genannt  werden  "  (Wiisten- 
feld, Register,  from  Nawawi). 

-  Xote  1.     See  Wustenfeld,  Tabellen  C  13.  25 

-  L.  3.     Azd.  see  ib.,  e.  g.,  II19'21;  Bajila,  e.  g.,  916. 

—  Note  2.     Ali  b.   Jasr  b.  Muharib  b.  Khasafa,  ib.  D  10.  — 
Ali  b.  Mas'ud,  II19.—  'Abd   Manat,  N  9.—  Hisn,   grandson  of 
AH  b.  Mas'ud,  C  15. 

-  L.  5.      'Amir  b.  at-Tufeil,  a  contemporary  of  the  Prophet,  30 
ib.   E   20.     His  kunya   Abu  'All,    see  Agh.,    Tables  sub  voce 

3-  *'• 

-  L.  9.     This  conception  is  not  specifically  Shiitic  but  rather 
belongs  to  the  domain  of  Kalam.     Makr.  34810,  at  the  end  of  his 

O    y 

account  on  the  Mu'tazila,  mentions  a  special  sect  ^XSUUf  JuAJi+JI  35 


xt.  x!  tub.     I.  H.   refers  to  it  more  explicitly  Ed.  IV, 
8331  ff.  in  a  special  chapter  on   "the  eternal  existence  of    the 


74  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[54]  residents  of  Paradise  and  Hell":  "All  sects  of  the  (Muhamme- 
dan)  Community  agree  that  there  is  no  decay  for  Paradise  and  its 
pleasure  nor  for  Hell  and  its  pain.  The  only  exceptions  are  Jahm 
b.  Safwan;  Abu'l-Hudeil  al-'Allaf  and  some  of  the  Rawdfid. 

5  Jahm  maintains  that  both  Paradise  and  Hell  will  decay  and 
their  residents  as  well.1  Abu'l-Hudeil,  however,  maintains 
that  neither  Paradise  and  Hell  nor  their  residents  will  decay. 
But  the  movements  of  the  latter  will  decay  and  they  will  remain 
in  an  immovable  state  like  a  mineral.  In  spite  of  it,  they  will 

10 be  alive  and  enjoy  pleasure  and  suffer  pain  respectively.  The 
party  of  the  Rawafid  referred  to  above  believes  that  the  resi- 
dents of  Paradise  will  leave  Paradise  and  the  residents  of  Hell 
will  leave  Hell  for  some  unknown  destination  (lit. :  whither  it 
is  Allah's  desire)."2  See  Iji  336;  Makr.  349".— On  Abu'l- 

isHudeil's  view  see  de  Boer,  p.  51. 

A  certain  heretic  by  the  name  of  'Abdaljah  b.  'Abdallah  b. 
Shuneif  attacks  a  friend  of  I.  H.  on  account  of  his  belief  in  the 
eternity  of  Paradise  and  Hell,  Ed.  I,  19. 

-  L.  11.     The  eternity  of  the  world  is  taught  by  the  Mu'am- 

20mariyya,  a  section  of  the  Khattabiyya,  p.  11411,  see  Shahr.  137  = 
Makr.  352* ;  Iji  346.  This  belief  is  the  outcome  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Transmigration  (Makr.),  as  the  latter,  taking  the  place 
of  Reward  and  Punishment  after  death,  dispenses  with  Resiir- 
rection  and  accordingly  with  the  establishment  of  a  new  world. 

25lsfr  57b  is  apparently  aware  of  this  connection  when  he  curtly 

remarks:        Jb     JLoLuLft         jCo    'J^      ~*&2    V    IxijJt        l 


.  — ,j 

^^ 

The  way  this  view  is  contrasted  with  the  belief  in  the  decay 
of  Paradise  and  Hell  suggests  a  connection  betAveen  them.  In 
so  point  of  fact,  the  belief  in  Transmigration,  when  carried  out 
logically,  not  only  necessitates  the  eternity  of  this  world,  but, 
fulfilling  the  function  of  Reward  and  Punishment,  dispenses 
altogether  with  Paradise  and  Hell.  IBab.,  Ptikdddt  12'' 

1  Comp.  Kashi  177 :  an-Nazzam  (p.  586)  said  to  Hishani  b.  al-Hakam 
(p.  65")  :  "The  residents  of  Paradise  will  not  exist  in  Paradise  an  eternal 
existence  "  and  so  forth. 

-  The  last  words  most  probably  refer  to  the  belief  mentioned  later, 
p.  85"  ff. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc,.  75 

fully  recognizes  this  connection  :   ij"*^    LM°W   ^•aJ-Uulj    J«Ju!j  [54] 


*s**x    .y  y      *s- 

-  L.   12,  if.     Bekri,  Description  de  VAfrique  Septentrionale, 
ed.  de  Slane,  Alger,  1857,  p.   161,  gives  a  brief  description  of 
this  sect  which  offers  several  important  points  of   comparison  5 
with  the  account  of  I.  H.     I  give  Bekri's  passage  in  transla- 
tion :   '  '  To  the  right  of  the  Banti  Magus  there  is  a  tribe  called 
Banu    Lamas.     They  are    all    Rawafid  and   known   under   the 
name  Bajaliyyun.     There  settled  in  their  midst  a  Bajalite1  of 
the  people  of   Nafta  in    Kastilia,  before  Abu    'Abdallah   ash-io 
Shi'i  entered  Ifrikiya.2     His   name  was  Muhammed  b.   Wrstd 

(t\AAc>2  sic).  He  called  upon  them  (read  |V*°L&t>j)  to  denounce 
the  Companions  (of  the  Prophet)  and  permitted  them  forbidden 
things  .  .  .  They  still  adhere  to  his  doctrine  to  this  day  and 
(believe)  that  the  Imamate  is  permissible  only  in  the  descend-  is 
ants  of  al-Hasan,  not  in  those  of  al-Husein.  Their  ruler  was 
Idris  Abu'l-Kasim  b.  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far  b  'Abdallah  b.  Idris." 
The  name  of  the  founder  of  this  sect  appears  here  in  a  differ- 
ent form.  IHaukal  6521  (  =  Yakut  I,  320)  agrees  with  I.  H.  in 


calling  him  (Xi-Osj  i-v?',  but  they  omit  the  mention  of  his  first  20 
name.     The    name  and  pedigree  of   their  ruler  are  altogether 
different  and  I  have  no  means  to  decide  which  are  the  correct 
ones.3 

As  regards  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  this  sect  —  the  limitation  of 
the  Imamate  to  the  Hasanides  —  Bekri  agrees  with  I.  H.  (55,  1.  5).  25 
In  contradiction  with  it,  IHaukal  (  =  Yakut)  reports  that  they 
were  Musawites  (cf.  p.  40),  i.  e.  acknowledged  the  Imamate  of 
Mflsa  b.  Ja'far,  who  was  descended  from  al-Husein.  The 
former  statement  is  no  doubt  correct,  as  the  Idrisides  who 
ruled  over  them  were  Hasanides.  30 

-  L.  14.  On  Nafta  see  Yakut  IV,  800.  It  is  two  days' 
journey  from  Kafsa,  mentioned  in  the  same  line,  ib.  Kafsa,  a 
small  place  (s*AJLo  8<Xo),  lies  three  days  from  Keirowan,  ib. 

.»  ,  of  the  tribe  Bajila? 

-  i.  e.  before  280h. 

3  Gen.  Leyd.  omits  the  Idrisides  in  Africa. 


76  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[54]  IV,  151.  Kastilia  mentioned  here  is  not  the  Spanish  province, 
but  a  region  in  Northwest  Africa  on  the  great  Zab,  Yakut  IV, 
97;  see  also  I,  892,  IV,  151.  The  emendation  proposed,  note 
11,  is  not  necessary. 

5  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  people  of  this  region,  from 
which  the  founder  of  this  Shiitic  sect  came,  were  Kharijites, 
Yakut  IV,  97,  800. 

-  L.  16.     The  city  mentioned  here  is  as-Sus  al-Aksa.      It  is 
fully   two  months'   journey  from    as-Sus  al-Adna,  Yakut  III, 

10  189.  —  On  the  Masmuda  tribes,  see  Kremer,  Ideen  383,  note. 
[55]      55,  1-  2.     According  to  IHaukal  (  =  Yakut)  ib.  the  two  par- 
ties of    the  city  (the   others  were  Malikites)    alternately    wor- 
shipped in  the  same  mosque. 

-  L.  3.     The  prohibition  seems  to  be  of  Hindoo  origin.     The 
is  Laws  of   Manu  V,  5,  forbid    the    priest  to    eat    (among  other 

things):  "garlick,  onions,  leeks  and  mushrooms,  and  all  vege- 
tables raised  in  dung.'1''  Comp.  Chwolsohn,  Ssabier  II,  109. 

-  Note    1.      On    'Abdallah    b.    Yasin,    the    founder   of   the 
Almoravide  dynasty  (middle  llth  century),  see  Dozy,  Isl.  359  ff. 

20  The  by-name  al-Muttawwi'  I  have  not  found  elsewhere. 

-  L.  7.     See  also  Text,  p.  80,  1.   2.     On    Abu   Kumil,  see 
Bagd.  121%  136a;  Shahr.  133;  Iji  343;  Makr.  352. 

-  L.  17.     See  also  Text  80,  1.   4.     The  author  of  this  con- 
tention, which  is  certainly  not  unjustified,  is  unfortunately  not 

25  known.  The  contention  itself  is  not  mentioned  in  the  other 
sources. 

-  L.  22.     «-liJ!  £  xJa*w«JuJi  more  literally  "  who  occupy  the 

middle  as  regards  'extremism'."  From  the  point  of  view  of 
guluww  the  Shi'a  appears  divided  into  three  parts:  the  Zei- 

30diyya  who  are  entirely  free  from  it,  the  Imamiyya  who  partly 
adhere  to  it  (comp.,  e.  g.,  Raj  'a,  Tanasukh,  etc.),  and  the 
Galiya  who  unflinchingly  profess  it.  The  reading  of  L.  Br.' 
(note  6)  "who  keep  back  from  guluww"  is  thus  justified. 
However  this  may  be,  the  Imamites  themselves  protest  against 

35  any  affinity  with  the  Gulat.     IBab.,  Ptikdddt  22b  (in  a  special 


chapter  ^jL    ^oj  ^    emphatically  declares  that  they  are  infidels. 

—  Note  7.  They  betray  Islam,  because  both  Koran  and 
Hadith  insist  that  Muhammed  is  the  last  prophet,  comp.  Text 
47,  1.  8f. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  77 

-  Note  8.     The  reading  of  L.  Br.  is  no  doubt  correct.     Poly-  [55] 
theism  is  not  the  charge  usually  preferred  against  the  Jews  by 
Muharamedan   theologians.     This  would    confirm  our  supposi- 
tion as  to  the  later  date  of  Codd.  L.  Br.,  see  Introd.  p.  19. 

56,  1.  3.     On  the  Gurabiyya  see  IKot.  300;  Iji   346;  Makr.  5 
353";  Bagd.  98a;  Isfr.   58b.     The  latter  two  and  Iji  state  the  [56J 
comparison  more  elaborately :  "more  than  one  raven  the  other  one 
and  one  fly  the  other  one."     The  adherents  of  this  sect  curse  the 
"  sahib  ar-rish,"  i.  e.  Jibril.     In  a  parallel  between  the  Rawafid 
and   the    Jews    put    into    the  mouth  of  ash-Sha'bi   (IJcd   269, 10 
comp.  p.  1916)   the  two  are  identified  because  of  their  dislike  of 
Gabriel.1     Bagd.   98b  sorrowfully  remarks  that  the  Galiya  are 
even    worse    than    the    Jews,   for   the  latter,  though  disliking 
Gabriel,  yet  abstain  from  cursing  him. 

In    his    polemics   against  Judaism,  I.    H.  (Ed.    I,    1389)veryi5 
cleverly  draws  a  parallel  between  the   Jews   who  believe   that 
Isaac  confounded  Esau  with  Jacob  and  the  Gurabiyya.      "This 
contention  (of  the  Jews)  very  closely  resembles  the  stupidity  of 
the  Gurabiyya2  among  the  Rafida  who  believe  that  Allah  dis- 
patched Jibril  to  Ali,3  but  Jibril  erred  and  .went  to  Muhammed.  20 
In  the  same  way  Isaac  blessed  Esau,  but  the  blessing  erred  and 
went  to  Jacob.     Upon  both    parties   (may  rest)    the    curse    of 
Allah  !  " 

-  L.   13  f .     Ali    was  about   thirty  years  younger   than   the 
Prophet  (comp.  Kremer,  Tdeen,  p.  315).     Consequently  he  was 25 
ten  years  old  when  Muhammed  made  his  first  appearance.     The 
same  is  assumed  Ed.  IV,  14215  and  in  the  variant  of  L.  Br.  to 
our  passage  (note  7).     The  reading  of  Ed.  seems  to  be  incor- 
rect.    But  there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  date  of  All's 
birth,  see  I.  H  in  the  quoted  passage  and  Tab.  I,  346712ff.  so 

-  L.    15  ff.      On  Muhammed's  physical  appearance    see  Ibn 
Hisham  I,  266 ;  Tab.  I,  1789  ff. ;  Nawawi,  Tahdib  32-33.     It  is 
interesting  to  observe  that  I.  H  is  unprejudiced  enough  to  point 
out  that  Muhammed  was  above  middle-size.     The  other  writers 

1  Allusion  to  Koran  II,  91,  comp.  Geiger,   Was  hat  Muhammed  aus 
dem  Judentum  aufgenommen,  p.  13. 

*  Ed.  has  XxJliJf,  but  V  80»,  and  L  I,  54*  (which  in  this  section  of 
Milal  sides  with  Ed.)  have  the  correct  reading. 
3  V.  +  xJL*  JL  Sj-yJU  Ed.  L.  missing. 


78  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[56]  anxiously  insist  that  the  Prophet  was  neither  short  nor  tall,  but 

the  exact  medium  between  the  two. 
[57]      57,  1.  1  ff.     On  Ali's  appearance  see  Tab.  I,  34707  (=IAth. 

Ill,    333);  Tahdib  441  penult.  —  Sibt,  Imams  fol.   4",  gives  a 

0£     „  "  __ 

5  similar  description  of  Ali:  ,j.xxxjuf  +*?>x3.£-  xxoY!  <Xs<X«*i  ,*o!  ^o 

JJalM   (j^>    /-*1-*-''    J'    VT5' 


ol  (read  *J-o!)  *-Lol.  Ali  looked  particu- 
larly short  because  of  his  corpulence.  Whenever  Ali  appeared 
on  the  market  of  Kufa,  the  satirical  Persians  would  exclaim 


10<Xo!  ^JjCi!  J.jj  "  Here  comes  the  big-bellied  man  !"  (ZDMG. 

38,  392,  from  Madainl).  It  is  characteristic  that  both  Sunnitic 
and  Shiitic  writers  anxiously  avoid  to  mention  this  feature  of 
Ali  which  is  so  repugnant  to  the  Arabic  taste.  Of  all  the 

sources   at   my  disposal    I   find,  besides   the  reference    quoted 

# 

15  above,  only  one  moi'e  allusion  to  it  in  Ikd  II,  274  (Llxnj). 

-  L.  11.     The  number  23  is  not  exact.     The  interval  between 
Mohammed's    first   appearance    and  his    death   was  21%   lunar 
years;  see  the  list  in  Sprenger,  Leben  Muha)nme<Fs  I,  205. 

-  L.  12.     On  obj-b  (note  17)  see  p.  5o16. 

20      58,  1.   3.     The  exclusive  (note  3)  reverence  of  Ali  is  charac- 
[58]  teristic  of  several  sects:  the  Sabaiyya  (Text  7118)  and  the  'Ulya- 
niyya  and  Nuseiriyya,  which,  according  to  I.  H.  (Text  66,  1.  17 
and  71,  1.  18),  are  branches  of  the  former. 

-  L.  4  ff.      The    persons    named    in    the    following    are    the 
25  twelve  Imams  of  the  Ithna'ashariyya.     The  biographical  data 

concerning  these  Imams  can  best  be  learned  from  the  list  in 
Abu'l-Maali,  p.  164-165,  see  Schefer's  Introduction,  p.  184  f. 
A  more  detailed  account  Diyarbekri  II,  286-288.  The  omission 
(in  I.  6)  of  the  tenth  Imam,  Ali  b.  Muhammed  (al-Hadi  at-Taki, 

so  born  214,  died  254),  is,  it  seems,  not  accidental.  For  in  accord- 
ance with  it,  Ali  (1.  7)  is  changed  to  Muhammed.  The  same 
omission  and  the  same  change  are  exhibited  by  Codd.  L.  Br. 
Text  p.  76,  note  4  and  5.'  Whether  this  peculiar  error  is  due 
to  his  proximity  to  the  eighth  Imam,  who  bears  the  same  name, 

3  or  to  some  more  significant  circumstance,  is  difficult  to  determine. 

1  Ed.  IV,  103  10>11  his  genealogy  is  given  correctly. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  79 

—  Note  6.     It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  benediction  acox  is  [58] 

added  only  after  the  name  of  Ja'far.  Ja'far  as-Sadik  (died  146) 
was  not  only  the  patron-saint  of  the  Shiites.  He  was  also  highly 
( -st  reined  by  the  Sunnites,  see  p.  10512.  Of.  ZDMG.  50,  123. 

-  L.  10.      On  the  Carmathians,  see  p.  19,  1.  32.     Muhammed  5 
b.  Ismfi'il  at-Tamm,  "the  Completer,"  is  the  seventh  and  last 
"open"  Imam  in  the  belief  of  the  Sab'iyya,  or  "  Seveners." 
After  him  begins  the  series  of  hidden  Imams,  Shahr.   127  ff. , 
140.     The  Carmathian  missionary  Yahya  b.  Dikrweih  pretended 
that  he  was  this  Muhammed,  Tab.  Ill,  2218  (anno  289).  10 

-  L.  12.     Read:   "This  is  a  party."     On   the    Keisaniyya, 
see    p.   33  ff.     The  Keisaniyya    do    not    agree   as   to    whether 
Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya  inherited  the  Imamate  directly  from 
Ali,   or  indirectly  through    Hasan    and    Husein,    Shahr.    110. 
Kuthayyir  (p.  13428)  speaks  of  four  Imams,  comp.   Barbier  de15 
Meynard  in  Journal  Asiatique,  1874,  p.  164. 

-  L.  13.      On    Mukhtar,    see    Shahr.    110    (he    distinguishes 
between    the    Keisaniyya   and    Mukhtariyya).     Very  elaborate 
accounts  on  Mukhtar  with  specimens  of  his  saj1  can  be  found 
Bagd.   126  ff. ;  Isfr.  106  ff,     Wellhausen,  Opp.  74  ff.,  gives  an  20 
elaborate  sketch  of  his  personality. 

59,  1.   1  ff.      On  Mugira  see  the  passages  in  Index. — Text  34,  [59] 
n.   5,  Ed.  and  Codd.  have  bnu  Abi  Sa'id.     Ed.  I,  112  ult.  and 
elsewhere  correctly.     Sa'd  instead  of  Sa'id  occurs  Agh.  XIX, 
58,     Ikd    267.       Abu'l-Maali    157,    gives    him    the    by-name  25 
-*if.     According  to  Shahr.  134,  Makr.  353'  (=de  Sacy  XLVI) 
he  was  a  "client"  of  Khalid  al-Kasri,  who  afterwards  executed 
him.     It  is  possible,  however,  that  this  is  a  mere  inference  drawn 
from  the  fact  that  Khalid's  clan  Kasr  belonged,  as  did  Mugira 
(1.  2),  to  the  Bajila  tribe  (IKot.   203;  IKhall.  No.  212).     He  so 
is  specifically  designated  as   al-'Ijli  (of  the  Banu  'Ijl)  Shahr. 
134;  Iji  344;  Makr.  349%  3531;  Bagd.  95b;  Isfr.  54b,  56a;  Tabari 
Index  (in  the  text  the  statement  is  missing).     This  is  significant 
in  connection  with  van  Vloten,   Worgers,  p.   57,  and  later,  p. 
89"  ff.     Mugira  rose  against  Khalid  b.  'Abdallah  al-Kasri,  the  35      . 
wali    of    Ktifa,    in    119,    accompanied   by   twenty  (Kdmil  ed. 
Wright  2015;  Makr.  3532),  according  to  Tab.  II,  16215  only  by 
seven  men.     Despite  their  small  number  they  spread  such  terror 
around  them  (the  reason,  see  p.  9212  ff.),  that  Khalid,  who  chanced 


80  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[59]  to  be  in  the  pulpit  when  he  heard  of  their  uprising,  came  near 
fainting  and  asked  for  a  glass  of  water,  an  action  which  made 
him  the  object  of  general  ridicule,  KdmilVa.,  Ayh.  XIX,  58, 
XV,  121  (here  they  are  called  by  the  general  name  al-Ja'fariyya, 

6  see  p.  107 '"),  Makr.  3531,  van  Vloten,  Worgers,  58.  The  rebels 
were  crucified,  Tab.  I,  1620*;  IKot.  300  ("in  Wasit ") ;  Ikd 
267  (probably  quotation  from  IKot.).  According  to  another 
version  (Tab.  1620b  ff . ;  I.  H.  Text  60,  1.  17;  Ikd  ib.),  they 
were  burned  at  the  stake. 

10  An  exposition  of  Mugira's  doctrines  is  found  Shahr.,  Iji, 
Makr.,  IKot.,  Ikd,  very  elaborately  Bagd.  95b  and,  more 
briefly,  Isfr.  56a.  His  tenets,  which  show  all  the  earmarks  of 
"guluww,"  seem  to  have  exercised  a  powerful  influence  in  ultra- 
Shiitic  circles.  The  Imamites  solicitously  reject  any  connection 

15  with  Mugira,  see  the  article  on  Mugira,  Kashi  145  ff.     Ja'far 

as-Sadik  is  reported  as  saying  that  all  the  extravagant  views  to 

-be  found  in  the  writings  of  his  father's  (Muhammed  al-Bakir's, 

died   Il7h)  followers  are  forgeries  of   Mugira,    ib.    140,    147. 

His  system,  if  system  it  be  called,  presents  an  odd  mixture  of 

20  ancient  Eastern  beliefs  and  distinctly  shows  the  influence  of 
gnostic,  notably  of  Mandaean  and  Manichaean,  doctrines.  The 
Mandseans  were  very  numerous  in  Irak  ;  at  the  time  of  the 
Abbassides  they  are  said  to  have  had  there  400  churches.  Their 
head  resided  in  Bagdad.1  The  Manichasans,  too,  were  identi- 

25fied  with  'Irak.  Mani  was  born  in  Babylonia,  and  he  was 
believed  (according  to  al-Biruni)  to  have  been  sent  to  the 
people  of  Babylonia  only.  Their  head  had  to  reside  in  Baby- 
lonia.3 The  Harninians,  too,  who  may  be  mentioned  in  this 
connection,  were  very  numerous  in  'Irak.3  On  these  influences 

•so  see  van  Vloten,  Chiitisme  47;  Blochet  135,  the  latter  also  in 
Revue  de  Vhistoire  des  Religions,  XL  (1899),  p.  25,  note  1." 

It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  ultimately  all  these  influences 
root  in  the  ancient  religion  of  Babylonia;  see  Kessler  ibidem, 

1  Kessler,  Article  "Mandaer"  in  PRE3,  XII  (1903),  p.  172. 

3  Kessler,  Article  "Manichaer"  ibidem,  p.  226,  Fliigel,  Mani  97,  105. 

3  Chwolsohn,  Ssabier  I,  482  ff. 

4  It  is  perhaps  not  insignificant  that  a  part  of  the  Banu  'Ijl  (see  above 
p.  7931)  who  lived  in  Bahrein  "completely  passed  into  the  Persian  nation- 
ality." Goldziher,  "  Islamisme  et  Parsisme"  in  Revue  de  Thistoire  des 
Religions  XLIII  (1901),  p.  23. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  81 

passim,  the  same,   "  Gnosis  und  alt-babylonische  Religion"  in  [59] 
Abhandlungen  des  5.   Orientalistencongresses  (Berlin,   1882),  p. 
297  ff. 

In  the  following  an  attempt  is  made  to  point  out  the  various 
sources  of  Mugira's  doctrines.     It  does  not  claim  to  be  more  5 

O 

than  an  attempt.  A  closer  acquaintance  with  the  religions  and 
literatures  under  consideration  will  no  doubt  bring  to  light  far 
more  numerous  points  of  contact.1 

-  L.  5.     The  corporeal  conception  of  the  Godhead  was  cur- 
rent in  Shiitic  circles,  see,  e.  g.,  p.  67.     The  crown  in  this  con-io 
nection  is  found  in  various  philosophemes.     In  the  Cabbala  the 
"Crown"  prO)  is  the  highest  of  the  Ten  Sefiroth  (Spheres).     *  . 
The  latter  are  represented  in  the  shape  of  a  man  with  a  crown 

on  his  head;  comp.  the  diagram  in  the  Jewish  Encyclopedia  I, 
181''    and    in    the    Hebrew    Encyclopedia  (^N")^'  "")¥)N),  New  is 
York,  1907,  I,  183.     See  also  later,  p.  83. 

According  to  Shahr.  ;  Makr.  3494  ;  Bagd.  95b  f  .  and  others, 
Mugira  believed  that  God  was  a  man  of  light  bearing  a  crown 
of  light.  This  reminds  one  of  the  Mandaean  doctrine  of  the 
"King  of  Light."  Brandt,  Mandaische  Religion  (Gottingen20 
1889)  §§  19-20,  80-81;  the  same,  Mandaische  Schriften  (Got- 
tingen  1893),  p.  13-19. 

-  L.  6.     Bagd.   96a    is  less  scrupulous  and   adds  two  more 
instances:    'Am  for  the  eye  and  Ha  for  the  pudenda.     A  very 
similar  description  of  God  is  quoted  in  the  name  of  the  Gnos-  25 
tics  by  Irenaeus,  adversus  Haereticos  2  XIV,  3.     A  Jewish  paral- 
lel,   see   in   Gaster,    "Das  Schiur  Komah,"  Monatsschrift  fur 
Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judentums  37  (1893),  p.  225. 
Similar  speculations  about  the  shape  of  the  letters  in  the  name 
aJI  and  J^.2?  (the  latter  in  Kufic),  see  Blochet,  133,  192.  30 

-  L.  12  ff  .     This  peculiar  theory  of  Creation  is  evidently  the 
reflection  of   a  Gnostic    doctrine.     Irenaeus,   adversus  Haeret. 
XIV   1,   reports  a   similar  theory  in  the   name   of  the  Gnostic 


1  I  wish  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  my  friend  and  colleague, 
Prof.  Louis  Ginzberg,  who  lent  me  his  effectual  aid  in  pointing  out  the 
Rabbinical  illustrations,  the  latter,  too,  bearing  witness  to  the  same 
influences.  I  profited  by  his  valuable  advice  also  in  other  parts  of  this 
treatise. 

5  The  following  quotations  all  refer  to  ihe  first  Book. 
VOL.  xxix.  6 


82  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[59]  Marcus1  :  "When  first  the  unoriginated,  inconceivable  Father, 
who  is  without  material  substance,  and  is  neither  male  nor 
female,  willed  to  bring  forth  that  which  is  ineffable  in  Him,  and 
to  endow  with  form  that  which  is  invisible,  He  opened  His 
5  mouth,  and  sent  forth  the  Word,  similar  to  Himself  .  .  . 
Moreover,  the  pronunciation  of  His  name  took  place  as  follows: 
He  spake  the  first  word  of  it  which  was  the  beginning  [of  all 
the  rest]  and  that  utterance  consisted  of  four  letters.  He 
added  the  second,"  and  so  forth.  In  Jewish  Mysticism  similar 

10  notions  can  be  traced.  Comp.  Menakhoth  29b:  "  God  created 
the  two  worlds  (this  and  the  future  world)  through  the  letters 
He  and  Yod  (constituting  the  Divine  name  Yah)."  See  also 
Berakhoth  55a.  A  similar  theory  is  elaborately  set  forth  in 
Sefer  Yesirah  and  is  to  be  found  in  other  ancient  mystical 

15  works.  It  may  be  mentioned  in  this  connection  that  under  the 
influence  of  a  similar  notion  the  Mandrcan  verb  Kip  "  to  call" 
has  assumed  the  meaning  "to  create."  See  Kessler,  art. 
"Mandaer"  ibid.  p.  16439  and  p.  165. 

—  L.  12.     The  "Greatest  Name"  is,  as  was  already  pointed 

20  out  by  de  Sacy  XLVII,  note,  identical  with  the  "Shera  ha-Me- 
phorash,"  the  "Ineffable  Name"  which  occupies  so  prominent 
a  place  in  the  Jewish  mystical  speculations  of  all  ages  (see  M. 
Grunbaum,  Gesammelte  Aufsatze  (Berlin  1901),  p.  238  ff.  ;  Revue 
des  Etudes  Juives  19,  290  f.).  It  plays  an  important  part  in 

25  Islam  as  well,  and  here,  too,  the  belief  is  current  that  by  means 
of  the  Ineffable  Name  all  miracles  can  be  easily  performed  ;  see, 
e.  g.,  Ikd  396,  and  (as  an  illustration)  IKhall.  No.  756.  * 
Most  of  the  sources  dealing  with  Mugira  report  that  he  claimed 

1  1  quote  the  translation  of  Roberts  and  Rambaut,  Edinburgh,  1868. 

5  According  to  I.  H.,  the  Jews  believed  that  the  sorcerers  were 
able  to  resuscitate  the  dead  by  means  of  Divine  names  and  that  Jesus 
was  able  to  do  the  same  and  to  perform  miracles  generally  by  the  same 
means,  Cod.  V  92*  (missing  in  Cod.  L  and  Ed.  I,  156,  which  is  shorter 


in  this  part  of  the  work):    s«^\J!    ^j!     j^fc    ,j«jLftJuo     (VgJL^' 

ij'  -3 


comp.  S.  Kraussin  Jewish  Encyclopedia  VII,  171* 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  83 

to  be  able  to  perform  miracles  and  resuscitate  the  dead  through  [59] 
his  knowledge  of  the  "  Greatest  Name."     Tab.  ib.  puts  into  his 
mouth  the  typical  utterance  that  he  had  the  power  to  bring  to 
life  the  'Ad  and  Thamud  and  the  generations  that  were  between 
them.  '  5 

—  L.  13.     Instead  of  «^s»li"  ^t  »s^a  "and  it  (the  Greatest 
Name)  fell  (L.  Br.  :  flew  awe?  fell)  on  his  crown,"  Bagd.,  Shahr. 

and  Iji  343  give  the  important  variant    l:s».lj'  &**.K   ^c   P*}* 
"fell  upon  his  head  as  a  crown."     He  referred,  as  Shahr.  and 

.-    u'f-d'O      ^  vt  *-    *•  a  •<>  w^. 

Bagd.   tell  us,   to  Koran  87,   1:    ^tX-M    J^V!   ibp   p-J 


,  as  Bagd.  explains,  j&    *J       sJt      ,v**< 
—         *          "he  assumed  that  the  Highest  Name  was  identical 

with  this  very  crown."  The  same  conception  of  the  identity 
of  the  "  Shem  ha-Mephorash  "  with  the  Crown  is  frequently 
found  in  the  Cabbala.  It  takes  the  form  that  the  name  was  15 
engraved  upon  the  Crown,  see  Jew.  Enc.  IV,  370a  and  3726 
(the  references  can  be  multiplied).  —  On  the  crown,  of  the  Man- 
divan  "  King  of  Light  "  see  Brandt,  Mandciishe  Schriften  13-19. 
The  Mandaean  priests  wear  during  the  service  a  crown  (taj)  on 
the  right  upper  arm,  Kessler,  article  "Mandaer,"  p.  214  ult.  20 

-  L.  14.  Apart  from  the  words  left  out  in  Ed.  (note  6), 
the  passage  reflects  the  ancient  idea,  also  found  in  the  Bible, 
that  man's  actions  are  written  down  in  heaven.  The  additional 
words  of  L.  Br.  are  confirmed  by  Shahr.  1352: 


-  L.  15  ff.  This  queer  notion,  too,  has  its  root  in  some 
Gnostic  doctrine.  Irenaeus,  adv.  Haeret.  IV,  2,  commenting 
upon  the  Gnostic  belief  that  from  the  tears  of  Achamoth 

1  This  is    no    doubt  the  original   version.     According  to  IKot.  and 
(probably  quoting)  Ikd  267,  he  claimed  this  power  for  Ali.     This  may 
partly  be  the  reason  why  these  two  writers  designate  Mugtra  as  one  of 
the  Sabaiyya.     For  the  latter  was  considered  as  the  party  of  Ali  KOT' 
kt-ox.f/v,  see  p.  10121. 

2  Prof  .    Ginzberg  suggests  a  connection  with  Is.  49,  16:   "Behold  I 
have  engraved  thee  on  my  palms."     It  may  be  the  consequence  of  some 
mystic  interpretation  of  this  verse. 


84  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


[59]  (filDpn)  "all  that  is  of  a  liquid  nature  was  formed,"  funnily 
remarks  that  he  could  easily  enlarge  upon  it.  "For  when  I 
perceive  that  waters  are  in  part  fresh  .  .  .  and  in  part  salt,  .  .  . 
I  reflect  with  myself  that  all  such  waters  cannot  be  derived 
5  from  her  tears,  inasmuch  as  these  are  of  a  saline  quality  only. 
It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  the  waters  which  are  salt  are  alone 
those  which  are  derived  from  her  tears.  But  it  is  probable  that 
she,  in  her  intense  agony  and  perplexity,  was  covered  with 
perspiration.  And  hence,  following  out  their  notion,  we  may 

10  conceive  that  fountains  and  rivers,  and  all  the  fresh  waters  in 
the  world,  are  due  to  this  source."  A  somewhat  similar  idea  is 
found  in  the  Talmud  (Hagiga  13b)  :  "Whence  does  the  stream 
Dinur  (Daniel  7,  10)  come  ?  From  the  perspiration  of  the  Holy 
living  Creatures."1  [Cf.  Bereshith  Rabba,  ch.  78.] 

15  The  two  lakes,  then,  are  formed  of  the  Divine  tears  and  the 
Divine  perspiration  respectively.  They  no  doubt  correspond  to 
the  mdye  siytiwe  and  the  mctye  hiwdre,  the  "dark  and  white 
waters"  of  the  Mandseans;  see  Brandt,  Mandilische  Religion, 
pp.  30,  43,  51,  etc.—  Instead  of  "sweet"  (11.  17  and  22)  read 

20  "fresh." 

-  L.  18  ff.  The  same  conception  is  found  in  several  Gnostic 
sj^stems,  notably  among  the  Mandseans.  "When  Life  .  .  had 
thus  spoken,  Abatur  rose  and  opened  the  gate.  He  looked  into 
the  Dark  Water,  and  at  the  same  hour  was  formed  his  image 

25  in  the,  Dark  Water.  Ptahil2  was  formed  and  he  ascended  the 
Place  of  the  Borders."8 

Illustrative  of  1.  19  is  the  passage  in  Irenaeus  XIV,  1  :  "  The 
world,  again,  and  all  things  therein,  were  made  by  a  certain 
company  of  seven  angels.  Man,  too,  was  the  workmanship  of 

so  angels,  a  shining  image  bursting  forth  below  from  the  presence 
of  the  Supreme  power;  and  when  they  could  not,  he  says,  keep 
hold  of  this,  because  it  immediately  darted  upwards  again,  they 
exhorted  each  other  saying:  let  us  make  man  after  our  image 
and  likeness." 

35  -  L.  20.  Out  of  the  two  eyes  of  the  shadow  only  two 
luminaries  could  naturally  be  formed.  For  this  reason  I  disre- 

1  Comp.  also  Kessler,  article  "Manichaer,"  p.  236  ult.  :  ''The  rain  was 
considered  to  be  the  perspiration  of  the  toiling  archont." 

2  =  Gabriel,  the  Demiurge  of  the  Mandaeans. 

3  Brandt,  Manddische  Schriften,  p.  184,  see  also  Kessler,  ib.  p.  210. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  85 

gard  the  additional  reading  of  L.  (note  12). '     Shahr.  135*  and  [59] 
very  similarly  Bagd.  speak  of  the  sun  and  the  moon.     But  our 
text  seems  to  reflect  a   more    complicated    and,  consequently, 
more  original  conception.     Perhaps  one  may  combine  it  with 
the  well-known  Jewish  legend  that    originally  the    two   lumi-  5 
naries  were  of  equally  large  size  and  that  the  moon  was  subse- 
quently reduced  in  size  on  account  of  its  jealousy. 

-  L.  22.  Sin,  and  correspondingly  Evil  as  being  primitive 
and  co-existent  with  Creation,  is  a  widespread  Gnostic  doctrine 
and  is  a  consequence  of  Dualism,  which  is  at  the  bottom  of  all  10 
Gnostic  systems.  According  to  Irenaeus  XXIV,  2,  Saturninus 
"was  the  first  to  affirm  that  two  kinds  of  men  were  formed  by 
the  angels,2 — the  one  wicked,  and  the  other  good."! — On  the 
lakes  see  before. — Instead  of  "the  Faithful,"  Makr.  3536  has 

"the    Shi'a."     Bagd.    says  more  explicitly:  *&+   •    •    •    wt**iJI  15 

*>    || 

^«..L<Oj-»J1 .  Extremely  interesting  iu  this  connection  is  the  pas- 
sage Ed.  IV,  69* :  "  Some  people  among  the  Rawafid  are  of  the 
opinion  that  the  spirits  of  the  Infidels  are  in  Burhut — this  is  a 
well  in  Hadramaut4 — and  that  the  spirits  of  the  Faithful  are  in 
another  place,  I  think  it  is  al-Jabiya."B  2° 

60,  1.  1.     This  view  is  in  all  probability  a  reflection  of  the  [60] 
Clementine  doctrine  of   the  "True  Prophet"  who  appears  in 
various  ages  under  different  names  and  forms,  but  is  in  reality 
one,   Clementine  Homilies  III,  12  ff.,  20;   Hecognition.es  I,  16. 
He  is  called  Christ  but  he  is  also  identical  with  Adam,  Hecogn.  25 
I,  45,  47.     The  persons    in    whom   the  true   Prophet  revealed 
himself  are  given  Homilies  XVII,  4  (in  a  statement  by  Simon 
Magus)  as  Adam,  Enoch,  Noah,  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob,  Moses; 
in  XVIII,   13   (in  a  reply  by  Peter)  as  Adam,  Enoch,  Noah, 
Abraham,    Isaac,    Jacob    [and   Christ],     In   both   the    number  so 

1  Br.  reads  like  Ed. — Note  12  is  to  be  corrected  accordingly. 

2  See  above  p.  8429. 

3  See  a  similar  conception  of  the  origin  of  evil,  Clementine  Homilies 
XX,  8,  9;  XIX,  12  ff. 

4  See  Yakut  I,  598,  where  this  belief  is  derived  from  a  tradition  trans- 
mitted from  the  Prophet,  Ali  and  Ibn  'Abbas.     Interesting  is  the  remark 
that  the  water  of  this  well  is  dark  and  stinking.     al-Jabiya  is  in  Syria, 
ibidem  and  II,  4. 

5  Comp.  Ma-dni  an-Nafs,  ed.  Goldziher,  p.  62*. 


86  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[60]  seven  is  evidently  intended.     This  is  important  in  view  of  the 

numerous  Shiitic  doctrines  which  are  based  on  the  same  number 

of    prophets    (see   Index  s.v.   Seven).  —  The  conception  of  the 

"true  Prophet"  is  complemented,  it  seems,  by  the  Clementine 

5  belief   that    God   has   the   power  of   changing   himself:    "for 

through  his  inborn  Spirit  He  becomes,  by  a  power  which  cannot 

be    described,    whatever   body  He    likes"    (Homilies   XX,   6). 

This  is  practically  the  doctrine  of  Incarnation,  which  is  of  such 

fundamental  significance  for  the  Ultra-Shi'a.  —  Another  instance 

10  of  the  adaptation  of  a  Clementine  doctrine,  see  p.  116  n.  2. 

-  L.  2.     Jabir  died  128  or,  according    to   another  version, 
132  (Tab.   Ill,  2501).     Either  date  contradicts    the    statement 

Bagd.  97a  that  he  was  among  those  wTho  expected  the  "  return" 

& 
of  Muhammed  b.  'Abdallah  (see  1.  10)  who  died  in  145:   ^Y«l#j 

15  \JJI  iXxc         tX+^xx>  V^\LbJoV  aUxslJt   .>,^  2b< 


see  also  17&.     Jabir  was  a  passionate  admirer  of  Ali  and  main- 

tained that  the  latter  was  meant  by  ^jO\^  abta  "  the  beast  of  the 
Earth"  (Koran  34,  13);  Goldziher,  Muh.  St.  II,  113,  comp. 
soZDMG.  38,  301.  —  The  Imamites  consider  his  traditions  trust- 
worthy, Kashi  126.  He  is  briefly  mentioned  Tusy  p.  73,  Xo. 
139. 

-  L.  3.      'Amir  b.   Shurahil  ash-Sha'bi    (ash-Shu'bi  is  mis- 
print) died  103  or  104.     The  sources   dealing  with   this   cele- 

ssbrated  traditionist  are  enumerated  Fihr.  183  note  14.  —  Shahr. 
145  counts  him  among  the  Shi  'a.  He  appears  Ikd  269  (=Isfr. 
15a)  as  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  Rawafid.  But  the  utterances  put  into 
his  mouth  are  no  doubt  spurious.  [See  Index  s.v.  ash-Sha'bi.] 

-  L.  4.     Khalid  al-Kasri  (Kasr,  a  clan  of  the  Bajila)  was  exe- 
30  cuted  in  the  year  126  by  his  successor  in  the  governorship  of  Kufa, 

Yusuf  b.  'Omar  ath-Thakafi,  in  a  most  barbarous  manner.  See 
on  Khalid,  IKhall.  No.  212;  IKot.  203  ;  Agh.  XIX,  53  ff.  ;  Fliigel, 
Mani  320-322.  He  frequently  appears  in  our  text  as  a  relent- 
less persecutor  of  heretics.  But  the  motive  for  his  attitude 
35  was  evidently  not  religious  zeal  but  loyalty  to  the  Omcyyad 
dynasty,  which  was  threatened  by  these  heretics.  His  own 
orthodoxy  was  of  a  rather  problematic  natui*e.  He  was  a 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  87 

powerful  protector  of  the  Manichaeans  (Fltigel,  Mani,  p.  105),  [60] 
and  his  mother  was  a  Christian.     His  achievements  in  the  exter- 
mination of    heretics    were    rewarded   by   a    hadith    in    which 
the  Prophet  announces  to  his  ancestor  Asad  b.  Kurz  that  Islam 
will  be  victorious  through  his  descendants,   Goldziher,  Muh.  St.  5 
II,  45  f. 

-  L.  6.     I   find  no  reference  bearing  on   Bekr,  except    the 

notice  Bagd.   97 


C-Xi    rv--^   aLu^XJ!  au?-«    JLC.  aLs  -AJL»JI 


&j      -frfc  wj  cuo       -i    rv--^   aLuX     au?-«      LC.  as  -AJL»     10 


-A 


-  L.  10.     On  Muhammed  see  Text  43.     I   have   not   been 
able  to  fix  the  date  of  his  birth  and  cannot  therefore  confirm 
the  statement  preserved  in  L.  Br.  (note  5).     Bagd.  17b  and  more 
elaborately    96a    reports    that    after    Muhammed's    death   the  is 
Mugiriyya  claimed  that  a  devil  was  executed  in  his  stead  (comp. 
p.  30J2)  and  that  he  himself  was  hidden  in  Hajir,  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Radwa  (Text  43  n.  7).     They  also  believed  that  Muham- 
med would  bring  to  life  seventeen  men  whom  he  would  endow 
with  the  seventeen  letters  of  the  "Greatest  Name",  so  as  to  enable  20 
them  to  perform  miracles  (see  p.  82).     They  adduced  in  proof 
of  his  Imamate  his  identity  in  name  and  father's  name  with  that 
of  the  Prophet  (comp.  p.  5317).2 

The  Mugiriyya  referred  to  here  are,  of  course,  the  followers 
of  Mugira,  not  Mugira  himself,  who  died   (anno  119)  26  years  25 
before  Muhammed  (145).     Bagd.   reports    the   same  beliefs  in 
the  name  of  Jabir  al-Ju'fi. 

-  L.  12.     On   the    sanctity    with   which    water   is   invested 
among  the  Mandaeans  and  which  is  no  doubt  of  old  Babylonian 

1  See  for  a  similar  claim  p.  11326. 

9  Isfr.  12"  gives  a  similar  account  which  is  extracted  by  Haarbriicker 
II,  412.  —  It  is  remarkable  that  Iji  344  mentions  as  the  Imam  of  the 
Mugiriyya  not  Muhammed  but  a  man  named  o  i\)^a-jfl  vj  b>^ 

^c.    ..vj     ^^AAAfc^.!     ^o     (^"£,    wno  is  otherwise  utterly  unknown 
(Ibidem  read   .^-L^.  instead  of  ya-L^..  ) 


88  I-  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[60]  origin,  see  Brandt,  Mandaische  Religion  68,  note  2  and  69, 
Kessler,  "  Uber  Gnosis  und  altbabylonische  Religion"  (Abhand- 
lungen  des  5.  Orientalistencongresses,  Berlin  1882),  p.  300. 

—  L.  16.     The  name  of  this  sectarian  appears  in  the  form 

5(jLo  and  vJ^AJ.     Ed.  as  well  as  Codd.   have  indiscriminately 

both  (comp.,  e.  g.,  Ed.  I,  112  ult.  and  Text  34  note  8).     The 

general  form,  however,  is  ^^?.     It  is  found  Shahr.  113  (Haar- 

briicker  171  :  Bunan  ;  Barbier  de  Meynard,  Journal  Asiatique 

1874  p.   169:  Bennan),  Kashi  (consistently,  e.  g.,  188',  19511' 

io!9610   etc.);    Iji  344   (also  quoted  in  Dictionary  of    T«-l,),l,'<il 

Terms  sub  voce)  ;  Mirza  repeatedly;  Lubb  al-Lubab  s.v.  ^jl^x.'! 
(see  Appendix  s.v.  ^-iLuJ!  where  the  editor  argues  against  the 
form  ,jbj).  In  spite  of  this  consensus,  the  only  correct  form, 
as  is  apparent  from  the  application  of  the  name  p.  61,  1.  17,  also 

isBagd.  95V  is  ^Lo. 

On  Baytin's  teachings  see  Makr.  349',  352^;  Bagd.  12%  91a, 
very  elaborately  95a;  Isfr.  56a.  Most  writers  ascribe  to  him 
the  same  doctrines  as  to  Mugira.  According  to  Kashi  196,  he 
believed,  on  the  basis  of  Koran  43,  84,  that  the  God  of  Heaven 

20  and  the  God  of  Earth  are  two  different  beings.  For  a  similar 
doctrine  see  later  p.  12712.2 

-  L.  17  ff.     The    following    story   is   given    Tab.    II,    1620 
(anno  119)=IAth.  V,  154  in  a  different  presentation. 

[61]      61,  1-  12  f.     Ibn    Hazrn    "most  emphatically  insists   on    the 
25  uncorporeality  of  God  and  violently  rejects  the  (Divine)  attri- 
butes," Ki'emer,  Ideen  p.  39. 

-  L.  16.     For  a  very  similar  example  see  Text  62,  1.  4.     I.  II. 
(Ed.  IV,  19818)  reports  that  Ahmad  b.  Yanush  (Ed.  has  y*.jjL*, 
see  p.  1030)  "  pretended  to  be  a  prophet,  maintaining  that  it  was 

so  he  who  was  meant  by  the  saying  of  Allah  (Koran  61,  6): 
'Announcing  an  apostle  who  will  come  after  me,  whose  name 
will  be  Ahmad.'" 


1  Whether  the  application  is  historically  true  or  not,  makes  no  differ- 
ence. 

2  -iUuJf     .«A$5     _yjt    who    is    mentioned    Fihr.    180s   among    the 


juo  has  certainly  nothing  to  do  with  Bayan,  as  is  assumed 
by  the  editors  in  note  5. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  89 

-  L.  18.     Abu  Hashim  died  in  Humeima  (Palestine)  in  78  [61] 
or  79,  Xawawi,  Tahcttb  369;  van  Vloten,   Chiitisme  45.     On  his 
alleged  concession  of  the  Imamate  to  the  Abbassides  see  Tab. 
Ill,  24,  2500;  IKhald.  I,  360.    Van  Vloten  (ib.  44)  is  inclined  to 
ascribe  to  the  Hashimiyya  the  initiative  to  a  systematic  Shiitic    5 
propaganda.     However   this   may  be,   certain    it    is  that  Abu 
Hashim,  who  left  no  children,1  presents  a  turning  point  in  the 
development  of  Zeiditic  or  anti-legitimistic  Shiism,  in  the  same 
way  as  does  Ja'far  as-Sadik,  on  account  of  his  numerous  children, 

in  the  history  of  Imamitic  or  legitimistic  Shiism.  10 

-  Note  17.     This  addition  is  in  keeping  with  the  Zeiditic 
principle  which  demands  the  personal  qualification  of  the  Imam, 
see  Text  75,  1.  9. 

62,  1.  1.     On  Abu  Mansur  see  IKot.   300;  JM267;  Shahr.  [62] 
135  f.  ;  Iji  344;  Makr.  35317;  Bagd.  91%  97b;  Isfr.  56b;  particu-is 
larly  van  Vloten,  Worgers    58.     The    appellation  al-Mustanir, 
which  is  not  quite  clear,  does  not  occur  in  the  other  sources. 
His  nickname  "al-Kisf  "  is  explained  Shahr.  136  in  connection 
with  his  assumption  that  he  was  lifted  up  to  heaven,  then  hurled 
downwards  and  thus  became   "a  fragment  falling  down  from  20 
heaven."     According  to  Ikd  and  Shahr.  136*  (the  later  in  con- 
tradiction with  himself),  Abu  Mansur  applied  this  designation 
to  Ali. 

-  L.  2.     Abu  Mansur  was  by  descent  (note  3)  a  member  of 
the  'Ijl  to  which  Mugira  attached  himself  as  maula  (Text  592).  25 
Interesting  in  this  connection  is  the  remark  of  Ibn  Fakih  (ed. 


de  Goeje),  p.  18515:       j*f.   (jj 

"To   these 


(the  inhabitants  of  Kufa  who  pretended  to  be  prophets)  belonged 
Abu  Mansur  the  Strangler  (see  later,  p.  92).     He  chose  for  his  so 
friends   (?)2  seven  prophets  out  of  the  Banu  Kureish  and  seven 
out  of  the  Banu   'Ijl."     Comp.   van  Vloten,   Worgers  58.     On 
the  Banu  Ijl,   see  p.  80,  note  4.     This  remark  alludes  perhaps 

1  Gen.  Leyd.,  which  enumerates  only  the  Alides  who  left  offspring, 
does  not  enumerate  Abu  Hashim  among  the  children  of  Ibn  al-Hanafiyya. 

2  Or  "  favored."  The  meaning  of  ^0  is  not  quite  clear.   See,  however, 
next  note. 


90  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[62]  to  the  Karmatian  theory  of  the  seven  prophets  and  their  substi- 
tutes (cf.  p.  796).1  The  significant  passage  Kashi  187  (parallel 
195)  may  bear  some  relation  to  the  subject  in  question.  Ja'far 
as-Sadik  makes  the  following  statement:  "Allah  revealed  in  the 
5  Koran  seven  (pseudo-  prophets?)  with  their  names.  The 
Kureish,  however,  struck  out  six  and  left  only  Abu  Lahab." 
When  subsequently  asked  about  the  saying  of  Allah  (Koran  26, 
221-222):  "Shall  I  inform  you  of  those  on  whom  the  Satan* 
have  descended?  Descended  they  have  on  every  sinful  liar," 

10  he  replied:  "  They  are  seven:  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'id,  Bunan  (see 
p.  888),  Sa'id  an-Nahdi,  al-Harith  ash-Sha'mi,  'Abdallah  b.  al- 
Harith,2  Hamza  b.  'Omara  az-Zubeiri3  and  Abii'l-Khattab 
(p.  112)."  Abu  Mansur  is  not  mentioned. 

-  L.  7.     According  to  Makr.  478  ult.,  the  Jewish  sectarian 

15  Abu  'Isa  al-Isbahani  similarly  claimed  "that  he  was  lifted  up 
to  heaven  and  the  Lord  patted  him  on  his  head."  The  early 
Jewish  sects  under  Arabic  dominion  show  a  great  many  traces 
which  remind  one  of  the  early  Muhammedan  sects,  especially 
those  of  the  Shi  'a. 

20  -  L.  9.  Curiously  enough  Kashi  196  relates  in  the  name  of 
a  man  who  had  it  from  Abu  Mansur  himself  that  God  addressed 

the  latter  in  Persian  /•**.•>  \-2-  —  The  reading  adopted  in  our  text 

(note  8)  is  confirmed  by  Shahr.  136  1.  4. 

-L.  10.     The  "Word"   (Logos)  is   Christ,  as  he  is  often 

25  styled  in  Arabic,     Comp.  Ed.  IV,  19721:  Ahmad  b.  Ha'it  and 

Ahmad  b.  Yanush,  the  pupils  of  an-Nazzam  (see  p.  10  f.)  "  both- 

maintained  that  the  world  had  two  creators  :  one  who  is  eternal 


1  1  am  not  certain,  however,  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  passage.      i,j' 
which  is  difficult  (see  preceding  note)  may  signify  "  to  become  a  maula  " 

(see  Dozy  s.  v.).      Then  the  nominative  ought  to  be  read:   .  . 


,.  and  the  meaning  would  be  the  following  :  Among  the  pseudo- 
prophets  in  Kufa  seven  attached  themselves  as  maulas  to  the  Kureish 
and  seven  to  the  'Ijl.  The  number  seven  is  in  any  case  noteworthy  and 
hardly  accidental.  See  the  Index  to  this  treatise  s.v.  Seven. 

P.  195  &L\  *          &JU!  tXx£  .     See  p.  124^. 

1978 


Var.  on  the  margin  ^Jo^J!  ;  p.  195'1  ^cjo  Jt  ; 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  91 

and  this  is  Allah,   and  the  other  one  who  is  created  and  this  is  [62] 
the  Word  of  Allah  (xJLJI  «JL$),  Jesus  Christ  (^A^^-A^!), 

the   son    of   Mary  am,  through  whom    he    created   the  world." 
This  distinctly  points  to  Christian  influence,  whether  directly 
(see  the  quotation  from  Bagd.  in  the  next  note)  or  through  some  5 
gnostic  medium,  must  be  left  open. 

-L.  11.  According  to  Shahr.  134,  Mugira  b.  Sa'id  (p.  79  ff.) 
similarly  believed  that  the  shadows  of  Muhammed  and  Ali 
(Bagd.  95^  mentions  the  shadow  of  Muhammed  only)  were 
created  first.  Comp.  preceding  note.  This  doctrine  is  called  10 
"tafwid"  and  is  quoted  alongside  of  "guluww"  (Tusy,  veiy  fre- 
quently, e.  g.,  Nos.  281,  417,  415,  455  speaks  instead  of 

ioxX^LM.  «JjJt).     IBab.  ,  Ptikadat  24a  has  a  special  chapter    ^ 
(j*dj..AxJL  «J.iJ!  ^ftj  .     He  defines  it  as  follows  :  xi!  1  8  JN\ 


,-j    * 
«.£.  aJJt  ,j!  JJ.AJ  oJUs 

-'^-•^^-  -- 

.^o 


*•       --  « 
.  aJLM  «tX.£  v^jtXS'  JLfti  Lj'L/ol.  LAAA.!. 


Bagd.  98^  states  the  matter  more  accurately  :  ^y>  ito^ 

*i 


oJUJI    -JtXjl-  —  Masudi   III,    266   calls  Ahmad  b.   Ha'it  and 
Ahmad    b.    Yanush    (see    preceding   page)    (ja^/jAJul     lol^fl 
ia^t^«J!^  "  the  adherents  of  "  Tafwid"  and  Mediators  (between  25 
God  and  the  world)." 

1  On  Zurara  b.  A'yun  (died  150)  see  Tusy  141  ff.  He  was  a  favorite  of 
Ja'far  as-Sadik,  Fihr.  220.  (See  also  Index  to  this  treatise  sub  voce 
Zurara.) 

'-  See  p.  19.     jj.  apparently  stands  here  for  "  adherent.'' 


92  I.  Friedlaender, 

[62]      At  the  bottom  of  this  idea  lies  the    Gnostic   discrimination 

between    the    "  unoriginated,    inconceivable    Father"    and    the 

Word  (Logos)  emanating  from  him  which  is  the  Demiui'ge  ;  see 

preceding  note  and  p.  82'  ff.     See  also  later,  p.  127. 

5      —  L.  12  f.     C.omp.    Ed.    I,    77".     Shahr,.    1365  expresses   it 


negatively  *aiLo  &«  ^  <X?  « 
This  doctrine  is  probably  the  reflection  of  the  Clementine  con- 
ception of  the  True  Prophet,  see  p.  85".  It  contradicts  both 
Koran  and  Sunna,  which  equally  insist  that  Muhammed  is  the 
10  last  prophet  (p.  7638). 

-  L.  15.     The  same  is  reported  of  the  Khattabiyya,  p.  14. 

-  L.  18  ff.     Ibn  Fakih  (ed.  de  Goeje)  185'5  speaks  of  "  Abu 
Mansur  the  Strangler."     IKot.  300  says  briefly:   "to  them  (the 
Mansuriyya)    belong   the    Stranglers."     Shahr.    1369    says   less 

is  distinctly:  "his  (Abu  Mansur's)  adherents  thought  it  permissi- 
ble to  kill  their  opponents  and  take  away  their  property." 
Assassination  is  designated  as  a  peculiarity  of  the  Mugiriyya 
and  Mansuriyya  (see  Index  sub  voce  Terrorism).  Jahiz  in 
his  Kitdb  al-Hayawdn  gives  an  account  of  the  manners  of  these 

20  terrorists  of  the  eighth  century.  He  who  practised  both 
"  strangling  "  and  "skull-breaking  "  was  styled  "Jami',"  "Com- 
biner." This  extremely  curious  and  interesting  passage  is 
reproduced  and  discussed  by  van  Volten,  Worgers  in  Iraq  (in 
a  Dutch  article.  See  List  of  Cited  Works  sub  voce  van  Vloten, 

25  Worgers).  The  Thugs  in  India,  whose  beginnings  date  as  far 
back  as  the  first  Muhammedan  caliphs,  also  kill  their  victims 
by  strangling. 

The  theological  substructure  for  this  peculiar  tenet  is  sup- 
plied by  I.   H.,  Ed.  IV,  171":   "The  command  to  do  right  and 

so  the  prohibition  to  do  wrong1  must  be  carried  out  with  the  heart 
and,  if  possible,  with  the  tongue.  It  must  not  be  executed  by 
(employing)  the  hand  nor  in  any  way  by  drawing  the  sword  or 
using  arms  .  .  .  All  the  Rawafid  hold  to  it,  though  they  all 
be  killed  (see  the  reading  of  L.  Br.,  Text  63,  note  1).  But  they 

35  believe  in  it  only  as  long  as  the  "Speaking"  (Imam)a  does  not 
come  foi'th.  When  he  does  come  forth,  then  the  drawing  of 
swords  becomes  obligatory.  If  not,  then  it  is  not  (obligatory)  .  . 

1  Koran  3,  100.  106.  110  ;  7,  156,  etc. 
•  Comp.  the  Ba^iniyya,  p.  112  n.  3. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  93 

Certain   sections  of   the   Sunnites,  all  the  Mu'tazilites,  all  the  [62] 
Khaw&rij  and  Zeidiyya  (corap.  Text  p.  ?59)  are  of  the  opinion 
that  with  reference  to  the  command  to  do  right  and  the  pro- 
hibition to  do  wrong,  the  drawing  of  swords  is  obligatory,  since 
the  repulsion  of  wrong  is  impossible  without  it."     See  following  5 
note. 

63,  1.  1  and  note  1.     The   Khashabiyya   are   connected   with  [63] 
the  Keisaniyya  (ib.  note  1)  and  originated  simultaneously  with 
them  in  the  uprising  of  al-Mukhtar.     IKot.  300  thus  explains  the 
name  :   "  the  Khashabiyya  of  the  Rawafid  :  Ibrahim  b.  al-Ashtar  10 
encountered   'Obeidallah  b.  Ziyad.     The  majority  of  Ibrahim's 
followers  were  carrying  with  them  wooden  arms  (al-khashab). 
They  were,  in  consequence,  called  the  Khashabiyya."1     Masudi 
V,  226  (anno  67)  relates  that  al-Mukhtar  "began  to  go  forth  every 
day  to  fight  Mus'ab  and  those  that  followed  him  of  the  people  is 
of  Kufa.     Al-Mukhtar  (on  the  other  hand)  had  with  him  many 
people  of  the  Shi'a.     They  were  called  the  Khashabiyya  (belong- 
ing) to  the  Keisaniyya."     Comp.  also  the  notice  Agh.   VI,  139 
(  =  Tab.   II,   17984):    "  'Othman    al-Khashabi   belonged   to   the 
Khashabiyya    who  were  with  al-Mukhtar."     When  Muhallab,  20 
who  fought  against  al-Mukhtar,  was  besieging  the  city  of  Nisibis 
which  was  defended    by  the  Khashabiyya,  he  thus    addressed 
himself  to  the  inhabitants:   "  O  ye  people!  Let  not  these  men 
frighten  you.     They  are  only  slaves  and  have  in  their  hands' 
(nothing  but)  sticks."     (Agh.   V,   155;  comp.  Tab.  II,   684I6)225 
These  sticks  were   designated  by  a  Persian  word  as  o»lj«j  -so 
"the  heretic  knockers,"  a  name  which  is  characteristic  of  the 

1  Ikd  269  :  "  To  the  Rafida  (also  belonged)  the  Huseiniyya.     They  con- 
sisted of  the  adherents  of  Ibrahim  al-Ashtar.     They  used  to  march 
through  the  lanes  of  Kufa  at  night-time  and  shout  :  "Revenge  f  or  al- 
Husein  !"     Hence    they    were    called    the    Huseiniyya."      Instead    of 

Xjy-*.AA^I  is  most  probably  to  be  read  &x^&iU  (see  later).  It  seems, 
however,  that  this  reading  is  not  a  scribal  error  but  due  to  the  author 
(or  his  source)  who,  neglecting  the  important  detail  that  they  were 
carrying  wooden  arms  (khashab),  brought  the  name  into  connection  with 
the  war-cry  of  the  party  ("Revenge  for  al-Husein  !''). 

2  Comp.  Abu'l-Maali  157 


-  !>"~i  have  not  found  this 

elsewhere. 


94  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[63]  part  played  by  the  Persian  element  in  al-Mukhtar's  rebellion. 
Thus  Tab.  II,  694IB  (anno  66)  relates  that  the  Khashabiyya 
who  arrived  in  Mekka  to  liberate  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya 
(comp.  6934)  entered  the  Holy  Mosque,  carrying  with  them  the 
5  "  heretic  knockers"  and  shouting:  "  On  to  the  revenge  for  al- 
Husein!"1  The  Kafir-kubat  occur  also  later  in  the  rebellion 
of  Abu  Muslim  (see  the  quotation  in  de  Goeje,  Bibliotheca 
Geogr.  Arabic.  IV,  278)  and  as  late  as  anno  257  (lAth.  VII, 

995).2 
10      The   name  Khashabiyya,  it  seems,  never  came  into  general 

use.  It  is  often  written  JUAxa.  and,  in  consequence  of  the  war 
cry  of  this  party  (revenge  for  al-Husein\},  also  au.ixA»fc^.;  see 
the  variants  in  Tab.,  van  Vloten,  Workers,  and  Ikd  (Comm. 
93,  n.  1). 

is  Originally  the  name  was  probably  meant  to  convey  a  social 
contrast.  It  indicated  the  Mawali  as  "men  of  the  sticks,"  that 
is,  as  poor  devils  who  could  not  afford  to  equip  themselves  with 
proper  arms  (Wellhausen,  Opp.  80).  But  it  seems  that  this 
social  aspect  of  the  name  was  early  forgotten  and  the  name 

20  assumed  a  religious  coloring.  It  is  frequently  used  to  designate 
the  Keisaniyya.  Thus  Agh.  XI,  47:  "It  was  Khindif  al- 
Asadi  (cf.  Comm.  425,  where  "Khandak"  is  incorrect)  who 
converted  Kuthayyir  to  the  Khashabiyya  doctrine  (y^tfcXx) 
auAA^U)."  Kuthayyir  was  a  typical  representative  of  the 

25  Keisaniyya. 

This  peculiar  idea  which  makes  the  use  of  arms  dependent 
on  the  arrival  of  the  Mahdi  stands  in  a  remarkable  contrast  to  the 
Messianic  conception  of  the  Prophets  (Is.  2,  4;  Micah  4,  3). 
Perhaps  it  reflects  the  Messianic  belief  of  post-biblical  Judaism 

so  (adopted  also  by  orthodox  Islam),  according  to  which  the  arrival 

1  The  same  lAth.  IV,  207,  where  the  variant   ci>U»5lil5sJ!    *»$JLX>« 
is  to  be  preferred.      lAth.  denies  that  the  poor  equipment  gave  rise  to 
the  name.     He  gives  a  different  interpretation  to  the  incident.     "  They 
were  called  Khashabiyya,   because  on  entering  Mekka  they  carried 
sticks,  being  reluctant  to  display  swords  in  the  Holy  District."    Tab., 
however,  (II,  6953)  reports  that  they  threatened  Ibn  az-Zubeir  with  their 
swords. 

2  De  Goeje  in  the  glossary  to  Bibliotheca  Geographorum  Arabicorum, 
ibidem,  maintains  tha.t  the  word  is  an  anachronism  at  so  early  a  period 
as  al-Mukhtar.     But  the  general  role  of  the  Persian  element  in  that 
movement  and  the  passage  in  Tab.  confirm  the  genuineness  of  the  name. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  8hiites,  etc.  95 

of  the  Messiah  will  be  connected  with  a  series  of  bloody  wars.  [63] 
At  any  rate,  among  the  parallels  between  the  Jews  and  the  Rawa- 
fid  put  into. the  mouth  of  ash-Sha'bl  (Ikd  269,  Comm.  p.  19'8) 
appears  also  the  following  comparison  :  "The  Jews  say,  there  shall 
be  no  fighting  for  the  sake  of  God  until  the  Messiah,  the  Expected  5 
One,  goes  forth  and  a  herald  from  heaven  proclaims  (his  arrival). 
The  Ran*  da  say,  there  is  no  fighting  for  the  sake  of  Allah  until 
the  Mahdi  goes  forth  and  a  rope1  descends  from  heaven." 

In  view  of  the  religious  character  assigned  to  the  use  of  wooden 
weapons,  we  may,  with  all  due  reserve,  call  attention  to  the  utter- 10 
ance  of  Ibn  Saba  recorded  by  Jahiz  (Comm.  4316)  that  Ali  "  would 
not  die  till  he  would  drive  you  with  his  stick,"  the  more  so,  as, 
quite  independently  of  Jiihiz,  Zeid.  (Comm.  42")  reports  the 
same  form  of  the  Shiitic  belief  "that  Ali  is  alive  and  has  not 
died,  but  will  drive  the  Arabs  and  Persians  with  his  stick."  ^> 
Perhaps  it  is  not  accidental  that  Kuthayyir,  who  was  a  Khashabi 
(see  before)  an'd  had  just  returned  from  a  visit  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  ar-Radwa,  which  in  the  belief  of  the  Keisaniyya  was 
the  hiding  place  of  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya,  "appeared  before 
us  leaning  on  a  stick"  (Agh.  VIII,  33). 2  20 

-  L.  2.     On  Hisham  and  his  book  see  Text  7422  and  Comm. 
65  ff. 

-  L.  6.     Extremely  remarkable  is  the  statement  that  these 
adepts  of  Terror  did  not   even    spare    one   another.     But   the 
reason  given  for  it  and  the  solemn  assurance  of  Hisham's  trust-  25 
worthiness  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  passage. 

-  L.  8.     It  is,  of  course,  the  fifth  of  the  spoil  originally  to 
be  delivered  to  the  Prophet,  Koran  VIII,  42.     The  Karmatian 
leader  Abu  Tahir  and  his  successors  still  were  in  the  habit  of 
delivering  this  tax  to  'Ubeidallah,  whom  they  considered  their  30 
Imam,  de  Goeje,  Carmathes,  p.  82. 

64,  1.  4.     Most  sources  quoted  p.  89M  f .  state  that  Abu  Man-  [64] 
sur  laid  claim  to  the  Imamate  only  when  Muhammed  b.   Ali 
(al-Bakir)  had  died  (in  117). 

-L.  6.  €  On   Bazig  see  Shahr.   137;    Iji  346;    Makr.   352'°.  35 
His  name  appears  among  those  of  other  sectarians  Kashi  196, 

1  V_>XA*>  JyAJ;  ?     "  Rope  "gives  no  sense.    Perhaps  „_>.*.*«  has  here  the 

meaning  recorded  Dozy  s.v. :  "  Introducteur,"  the  person  who  introduces 
one  to  the  Caliph  :  The  herald  announcing  the  arrival  of  the  Mahdi? 
9  See  on  this  passage  p.  25  n.  2. 


96  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[64]  197.     196:    (sic)    &JjJ;    v57*^S    ^^    ^'     197:    Ja'far   a?~ 
Sadik  curses  ^UarLl  L?f^  ^v*J^  (sic)  L*rV? 


i**?    (si°)    ^-?j    (sic) 

On  some  of  these  heretics  see  Comm.  p.  90'°  and  Index. 
5  "When  Ja'far  was  told  that  Bazig  had  been  killed,  he  exclaimed: 
"Praise  be   unto  Allah!     There  is   surely   nothing  better  for 

these  Mugiriyya  (read  Jo*.AJL»Jf  instead  of  SyAi+JI)  than  to  be 
killed,  for  they  will  never  repent."     (Kashi  197.) 

On  the  variants  of  the  name  see  Text  here  note  8  and  34  n.  7. 

10  Ed.  I,  112  ult.  reads  /*.-?¥:?•  Shahr.  ascribes  to  him  the  inter- 
esting view  that  a  man  who  has  attained  to  perfection  cannot 
be  said  to  have  died.1  Probably  in  connection  with  this  belief 
he  claimed  that  the  best  among  his  adherents  had  been  raised 
to  the  dignity  of  angels,  Iji.  His  profession  is  mentioned 

is  only  here  and  Ed.  I,  112  ult.  The  weaver's  trade  was  con- 
sidered highly  degrading,  see  Ferazdak  ed.  Boucher  211  10  f.  ; 
Wellhaiisen,  Opp.  62  n.  3.  The  same  view  is  held  by  the 
Rabbis.  Tosefta  'Eduyoth  I,  2  it  is  designated  as  the  lowest 
trade  in  the  world. 

20       -  Note  10.     See  p.  5516. 

-  L.  9.  Mu'ammar  appears  again  Text  69'4.  For  this 
reason  the  reading  of  L.  Br.  (note  11)  seems  preferable.  On 
Sari  al-Aksam  (with  broken  front  teeth)  I  have  found  nothing 
except  the  bare  mention  of  his  name  Kashi  196,  197  (see  this  page 

25!.  1  f.).     In  his  stead  the  other  sources  enumerate  as  one  of  the 


sects   of  the    Khattabiyya     —s^-^a          ^ai*,    Shahr.    137    and 
others. 

—  L.  10.      'Omeir  at-Tabban  is  no   doubt  identical  with   /-V*-^ 

i^kJt  ,jLo  ^  Bagd.  98a;  Isfr.  58a;  Makr.  35212;  Shahr.  137; 

30  Iji  346  (the  latter  ^jLo  instead  of  (j^f^,    comp.  p.  885).      Most 
probably  {j\-&  ^J  (or  ^Lo  ^j)  is  only  another   reading    for 

which  is  confirmed  by  the  alchemistic  utterance  1.  12-13, 
1  Comp.  Text  69n,  Comm.  7231,  113"°. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  97 

not    recorded    elsewhere.     Note  the   expression    "this    straw. "[64] 
That   he    was    an    'Ijlite    is  significant  in  view  of  p.  7934  ff. — 
According  to  Makr.,  the   '  Omeiriyya  erected  a  special  tent  in 
Kufa  for  the  worship  of  Ja'far  as-Sadik,  see  later  p.  107. 

65.  1-  1-     This  contradicts    Shahr.'s    and    Makr.'s    statement  5 
that  he  was  killed  by  Yazid  b.  'Omar  b.  Hubeira  (Makr.  Jojj  [65] 
.-:*•-*••£  ^»j),  the  governor  of  'Irak  under  al-Mansur. 

-  L.  3.     The  same  number  is  recorded  in  the  other  sources. 
There  is,  however,  a  difference  as  regards  the  sects  which  con- 
stitute   this    number.       I.    H.    apparently    counts    as    follows :  10 
1)  Mugira,  2)  Abu  Mansur,  3)  Bazig,  4)  Mu'ammar  or,  perhaps 
more  correctly,   Sari   (p.  96'"3),  5)    •  Omeir.     The  other  writers, 
including  Bagd.  and  Isfr.,  count  the  Mugiriyya  and  Mansuriyya 
apart  and  enumerate    as    the    five    sects    of   the    Khattabiyya: 
i)    the  Khattabiyya  proper,   then  the  followers    of    2)    Bazig,  15 
3)  Mu'ammar,  4)  Mufaddal  (p.  9626)  and  5)  'Omeir. 

-  Note  2.     The  notice,  preserved  only  in  L.   Br.,  refers  to 
the  event  related    Tab.  Ill,   221713  ff.    (anno  289).     The    Kar- 
matian  missionary  Zikrweih  b.  Mihrweih  endeavors  to  win  over 
the  Kelbites.     He  sends  to  them  his  son  Yahya.     But  no  one  20 
joined   him   "except  the  clan  known  as  the  Banu  'l-'Uleis1   b. 
Damdanr   b.    'Adi   b.    Janab3  and   their  clients.     They   swore 
allegiance  towards  the  end  of  289  ...  to  Zikrweih's  son  whose 
name  was  Yahya  and  whose  Kunya  Abu  '1-Kasim."     Comp.  de 
Goeje,    Carmath.es,  p.  48;  Istakhri  232=IHaukal  2919;  de  Sacy25 
ecu;  Fihr.   187  n.  10. — Yahya  pretended  to  be  a  certain  well- 
known  Alide.     But  it  is  not   settled  which  Alide  he  tried  to 
impersonate. — Tugj  (1.  5  of  note  2)  was  the  governor  of  Damas- 
cus.    I  connect  this  sentence  with  the  notice  Tab.  Ill,  2219": 
"The  cause  of  his  (Yahya's)  death,  according  to  some  reports,  30 
was  that  one  of  the  Berbers  struck  him  with  a  short  spear4  and 

a  torch  bearer5  followed  him  who  threw  fire  at  him  and  burned 


1  lAth.  VII,  353  reads  jo.xJL:s ;  Weil,  Geschichte  der  Chalifen  II,  506, 
Kaliss. 

-  See  the  variants  Tab.  ib. 

3  lAtli.  v_ jlx^.,  comp.  the  reading  of  L.— Janab,  Wustenfeld, 
Tab3llen  2-'6.— On  'Adi  b.  Janab  see  Wustenfeld,  Register  p.  266,  Lubb 

al-Litbdb  s.v. 


4  See  Glossary  to  Tab.  s.v. 

5  See  ib.  s.v.  JeLai . 

VOL.  xxix.  7 


98  J.  Friedlaender,  [1908 

0       J 

[65]  him."     The    construction  ^si-b  ^j.*   is    rather   hard,    for   it    is 

VHP 

scarcely  probable  that  it  stands  here,  as  it  often  does  in  later 
Arabic,  as  the  exponent  of  the  passive  and  signifies  (burned)  by 
Tugj.  Read  *x>  (in  his  encounter)  with  Tugj  ? 

5  -  Note  2,  1.  10.  On  the  Zenj  see  Tab.  Ill,  1742  ff.  (anno 
255);  Kremer,  Ideen  195  f.,  386.  A  graphic  account  of  this 
movement  is  given  by  Noldeke,  Sketches  from  Eastern  History, 
p.  146  ff.  Opinions  differ  as  to  the  person  of  the  Alide  he 
pretended  to  represent,  comp.  Masudi  VIII,  31  ;  Tab.  174211, 

101743.  1746".  IKhald.  I,  361  summarily  states  that  he  traced 
back  his  origin  to  'Isa  b.  Zeid,  the  son  of  Zeid  b.  'All,  the 
founder  of  the  Zeidiyya. 

-  L.  4.     The  reading  of  Ed.  Y.  (note  3)  is  correct  (Gold- 
ziher).      ihen    "those"   would  not   refer  to    the    Khattabiyya 

15  mentioned  immediately  before,  as  they  are  not  connected  with 
the  Abbassides,  but  in  general  to  those  "who  admit  prophecy 
after  the  Prophet,"  p.  561. 

-  L.  6.     The  reading  of  L.  Br.  (note  4)  stands  quite  isolated. 
The  correct  pronunciation  is  Khidash;  see  Taj  al-^Arus  sub  hac 

20voce: 


«JC  ji,tXi>j  \^>^  o-»:Oi.Xi>-  .  Comp.  van  Vloten, 
Chiitisme,  p.  49:  "Khidache  (de  la  racine  Khadacha  '  dechirer 
avec  les  ongles,'  puisqu'il  dechira  la  religion)."  Kremer, 
Ideen  p.  11,  who  quotes  I.  H.,  writes  incorrectly  "Chaddasch."- 

25  'Ammar  was  executed  in  a  most  barbarous  manner  by  Asad  b. 
'Abdallah  in  the  year  118,  Tab.  II,  15889.  This  'Ammar  is  not, 

'  at  least  is  not  meant  to  be,  identical  with  'Ammar  al-'Ibadi  Avho 
was  also  a  missionary  of  the  Abbassides  and  was  similarly 
killed  by  Asad  in  108,  Tab.  II,  1492.' 

so        -  L.  12.     On  'Abdallah  b.  Saba  see  p.  18  f. 

-  L.  13  ff.  The  incident  is  reported  in  all  sources,  see  the 
quotations  later.  Kashi  offers  several  details  which  are  not 
recorded  elsewhere.  They  numbered  ten  persons  and  were 

1  The  latter  passage  strangely  contradicts  Tab.'s  account,  p.  1488  (anno 
107),  according  to  which  'Ammar  alone  saved  himself,  while  the  others 
perished. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc,  99 

standing  at  the  gate.     When  they  had  been  let  in  to  Ali,  they  [65] 
said  to  him  :   "  We  maintain  that  thou  art  our  Lord  and-  that  thou 
art  he  who  created  us  and  who  gives  us  sustenance"  (Kashi  48, 
parallel  p.  198).     According  to  another  version  (p.  72),  they  were 

seventy  gypsies  (JtoCJI).  The  tendency  of  all  these  stories  is  plain  :  5 
they  are  intended  as  a  protest  against  the  later  "  Exaggerators  " 
by  showing  that  Ali  himself  rejected  them.  It  can  be  easily 
understood  why  the  orthodox  Shiites  who  were  often  made 
responsible  for  the  extravagance  of  the  Gulat  were  so  very 
anxious  to  circulate  these  stories  condemning  the  Gulat.  10 

66,  1.  1  f.      "  Thou  art  Allah  ";  also  Makr.  352";  Iji  343  with-  [66] 
out  the  preliminary  "  Thou  art  He  "   (1.   1);    Kashi  70  j&  ool, 
72  y°  oot  oot;    Shahr.   132  more  pointedly  ool  ^J>\   "Thou 
art  Thou,"  which  reminds  one  somewhat  of  the  Hindoo  "Tat 
twam  asi."  15 

r  I          w  I  c 

-  L.  5.     The  same  Isfr.  54"  :  aJ    aot  SuLuLi!  ^  U+Jle. 


-  L.  7.  The  verse  is  also  quoted  Kashi  48  and  with  vari- 
ants 49.  —  Bagd.  94<T  (similarly  Isfr.  55'')  quotes  another  locus 
probans  and  gives  a  somewhat  different  version  of  this  auto-  20 


da-fe: 

*• 

U^.i    dUJ>    Jl    lrt>^    »!^[  xS!   *.CX   ^x^  x-o         c  *J     AAJ  ^ 

-olj 


^  ^  r?  r1  13t  #  ^ 

According   to    Kashi  72,   Ali    killed   the   seventy  gypsies    (see 
before)   in  a  most  ingenious  manner  by  throwing  them  into  a 
number  of  pits  which  were  connected  through  holes.     Then  the 
pits  were  closed  and  smoke  was  let  in  through  one  of  them,  so  so 
that  they  were  all  choked. 

-  L.  10.     Kanbar  is  designated  as  a  servant  ([»i>L=>.)  of  Ali, 
TaMib  514;  Tab.  I,  3257  (^)-     He  acts  as  such  Kashi  48, 


100  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[66]  198.  Tdj  al-'Artis  sub  voce  /.-*-*j',  and  Suyuti,  Tarikh  159,  call 
him  a  maula  of  AH.  He  was  wounded  in  the  attack  on  Otlimaii, 
Tab.,  ib. ;  Suyuti,  ib. 

— L.  11.  All  the  authorities  quoted  throughout  this  treatise 
sand  a  great  many  other  writers  equally  attest  that  Ali  burned 
some  of  those  who  held  "exaggerated"  notions  about  him. 
Most  of  them  connect  these  "  exaggerators  "  with  Abdallah  b. 
Saba.1  In  spite  of  this  consensus N  of  opinion,  the  historical 
character  of  this  narrative  is  more  than  doubtful.  The  histori- 

icans  proper  (Tabari,  Masudi,  lAth.  and  the  minor  ones)  are 
silent  on  this  point.  The  fact  of  an  auto-da-fe  at  so  early  a 
period  is  in  itself  extremely  unlikely.  The  tendency  of  the  story 
is  unmistakable  (see  p.  99"),  and  the  way  it  is  connected  with 
Ibn  Saba  is  satisfactorily  explained  when  we  remember  the  pecu- 

15  liar  role  assigned  to  this  man  and  his  sect  by  the  Muhammedan 
theologians.  Being  a  Jew,  Ibn  Saba  was  made  the  scapegoat 
for  all  the  subsequent  heresies  in  Islam.  The  name  Saba'iyya 
became  synonymous  with  radical  heresy  and  was  applied  to 
heretics  who  lived  long  after  'Abdallah  b.  Saba.'  Shahr.'s 

20  account  on  Ibn  Saba,  is  almost  entirely  a  projection  of  later 
doctrines  on  the  founder  of  Shiism.  It  is  therefore  natural 
that  he  should  figure  in  an  execution  of  heretics  by  Ali. 

I  regard  this  story  as  an  anticipation  of  the  frequent  execu- 
tions of  Shiitic  sectarians  by  Khalid  al-Kasri  and  his  successor 

25  Yusuf  b.  'Omar.  Ikd  267  characteristically,  though  uncon- 
sciously, states  this  relation:  "  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'd  (read  Sa'id, 
see  p.  7974)  was  one  of  the  Saba'iyya  whom  Ali  burned  at  the 
stake.":  Mugira,  however,  was  burned  by  Khalid  as  late  as  119. 
Similarly  IKot.  300,  who  mentions  Mugira  immediately  after 

30  'Abdallah  b.  Saba  and  designates  him  as  a  Saba'i. 

A  striking  parallel  to  our  incident  and  perhaps  its  prototype 
is  Tab.'s  account  (III,  418)  on  the  Rawandiyya  who  worshipped 
the  Caliph  al-Mansilr.  "  They  came  forward  shouting  to  Abu 

1  See,  e.  g.,  IKot.  300;  Ikd  267.     According  to  Kashi  70,  Ali  burned 
'Abdallah  himself.     This,  however,  is  contradicted  by  all  other  sources 
as  well  as  by  the  facts,  see  p.  43. 

2  Thus  al-Kelbi  (died  146)  is  designated  as  an  adherent  ((_^s».L«o)  of  Ibn 
Saba,  IKhall.  No.  645.  p.  26.     See  Comm.  25".     The  same  is  the  case 

.with  Mugira  (d.  119),  see  this  page  1.  30.     Cf.  Wellhausen,  Opp.  12  n.  1. 


Yol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  101 

Ja'far   (al-Mansilr) :    'Thou  art  Thou!'     (The    narrator)   says:  [66] 
he    (al-Mansur)    himself   came    out    against    them   and   fought 
them.     While  they  were  fighting,  they  came  forward  crying: 
'  Thou   art    Thou !' "     The    origin    of   the    Rawandiyya   which 
points  to  Khorasan  (see  p.  1236)1  and  the  time  to  which  the  inci-  5 
dent  is  assigned  strongly  support  the  historicity  of  Tab.'s  account. 

-  L.   15  f.     The    temptation    of    Jesus    consisted    in    the 
•"guluww"  of  the  Apostles,  i.  e.,  in  their  belief  in  his  divinity 
(comp.  p.  1631).     The  Prophet  himself  is  reported  to  have  com- 
pared  Ali   with   Jesus  who    fell   a  victim  to  the   love   of   the  10 
Christians  and  the  hatred  of  the  Jews  (ZDMG.  38,  391).      "  As 
for  the  Rfifida,  they  strongly  exaggerate  concerning  Ali;  some 
of    them    follow    the    doctrines    of   the    Christians    concerning 
Christ.     They  are  the  Saba'iyya,  the  followers  of  'Abdallah  b. 
Sabfi,  Allah's  curse  on  them."  (Ikd  267). 2     More  thoughtfully  IB 
is   this   relation   between    the   Ultra-Shiitic    and    the    Christian 
doctrines  stated  by  IKhald.   I,   358:   "The  Gulat  have    trans- 
gressed  the    limits    of   reason    and   religion    by  assuming    the 

divinity  of  these  Imams.  As  for  Ali,  he  (read  xiLs)  is  (con- 
sidered by  them)  a  human  being  which  has  assumed  the  attri-  20 
butes  of  the  Deity  and  (they  believe)  that  God  has  embodied 
himself  in  his  human  (corporeal)  essence.  This  is  the  doctrine 
of  Incarnation  which  corresponds  to  the  teachings  of  the  Chris- 
tians concerning  Jesus." 

-  L.  17.     The  sect  named  in  the  following  is  considered  an  25 
outgrowth   of  the   Saba'iyya  because  it  shares  with  the  latter 
the  deification  of   Ali.     The  Saba'iyya   is   the  Alidic  sect  KO.T 
e£oxr?v.     Cf.  Text  451  f.,  65"  f. 

-  L.  18.     Apart   from    JLoLuLe.,  the  readings   aujL»-Le.  and 
aUjlAXc.  are  frequently  found,  see  Text  n.  7,  Masudi  III,  265  and  so 
the  references  to  be   quoted    presently.     The   founder  of   this 

sect    is    called    Makr.    35326   J^uu    _**«<X«J!    clxj    ,.jj 
^^AA/Yt.    Shahr.  134,  however,  (sic)     _**^<XM   pK3    ^3 

1  See  Kremer,  Ideen.  p.  377.     The  general  Afshin  (under  Mu'tasim)  did 
not  interfere  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  Osrushna  who  styled 
him  "Khoda"  (God),  Dozy.  Isl.  p.  231. 

2  As-Sayyid  composed  a  poem  in  which  he  protests  against  calling  Ali 
a  "  son  of  God,"  ib. 


102  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


1  The  'Ulyaniyya  are  designated  as  Dam- 
miyya  ("the  Blamers,"  Shahr.,  Makr.)  because  they  blamed 
Muhammed  for  having  usurped  the  dignity  to  which  All  was 
entitled.  The  'Ulyaniyya,  in  particular,  preferred  Ali  to 
5  Muhammed,  claiming  that  Muhammed  was  Ali's  apostle.  See 
also  Bagd.  98*. 

-  L.  19.     This  Ishjik  is  most  probably  identical  with  ( 


cX».,sx/o  ^.j  ,  who  frequently  figures  in  Agh.  as  a  nar- 
rator of   biographical    stories    from    the  life   of   as-Sayyid   al- 

loHimyari,2  e.  g.,  VII,  2  penult.,  9^,  11±,  etc.3—  Shahr.  133  f., 
Iji  21  and  348  he  appears,  independently  of  the  'Ulyaniyya,  as 
the  representative  of  a  special  sect  which  is  called  after  him  the 
Ishakiyya  and  is  closely  related  to  the  oSTuseiriyya  (p.  12719). 
De  Sacy  II,  593  quotes  besides  a  sect  called  Hamrawiyya,  which 

is  he  rightly  connects  with  this  Ishak  whose  by-name  was  al- 
Ahmar.  On  his  book  and  the  following  passage  in  general  see 
later." 

[67]      67,1-  Iff-     The  Muhammadiyya6  who  believe  in  the  divinity  of 
Muhammed  are  the  counterpart  of  the  'Ulyaniyya  who  believe 

20  in  the  divinity  of  Ali.  The  literary  champions  of  the  Muham- 
madiyya are  al-Bhnki  and  al-Fayyad,  while  Ishak  b.  Muham- 
med represents  the  other  party.  Shahr.  and  Makr.  spe.ak  of 
the  two  sects  but  allusively.  Thus  Shahr.,  in  speaking  of  the 
Ilba'iyya  (=  'Ulyaniyya,  see  p.  10129),  makes  the  following 

25  remark:  "Among  them  are  such  who  believe  in  the  divinity  of 
both  (Ali  as  well  as  Muhammed),  but  they  give  the  preference 

1  Comp.  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  50,  120. 

2  Like  all  Rawis,  his  name  is  missing  in  the  index  of  Agh. 

3  Kashi  16715  quotes  him  as  authority  for  an  account  on  n  discussion 
between  the   Barmekide  Vizier  Yahya   b.  Khalid  and  Hisham   b.  al- 
Hakam. 

4  As  he  appears  in  connection,  with  the  Keisanite  as-Sayyid,  we  may 
identify  him  with  Ishak  b.  'Omar  who  is  mentioned  Abu  'l-Maa.H  158 
as  the  founder  of  the  Ishakiyya,  one  of  the  four  Keisanite  sects.  —  There 
is  no  evidence,  however,  for  his  identity  with  a  certain  Ishak  who  acts 
in  Transoxania  as  an  agitator  for  Abu  Muslim,  Fihr.  34430,  as  is  con- 
fidently assumed  p.  180  ib. 

5  Not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Muhammadiyya,  as  those  who  believe 
in  the  Imamate  of  Muhammad  b.  'Abdallah  b.  al-Hasan  b.  al-Hasan, 
Text  431  and  6010,  are  designated  by  Bagd.  17b,  97ft  and  Isfr.  12a. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  /Shiites,  etc.  103 

to    AH    in    matters    divine.     They    are    called   the    'Ainiyya.  [67] 
There  are  among  them  such  who  believe  in  the  divinity  of  both 
but    give    the    preference    to   Muhammed  as  regards  divinity. 
They  are  called  the  Mimiyya."     'Ain  and  Mim  are  apparently 
the  initials  for  Ali   and  Muhammed  respectively.     The   name  5 
Muhammadiyya  I  find  only  here  and  Masudi  V,  475,  VII,  118 
(referring  to  his  Sirr  al-Hayat),  III,  265.     The  latter  passage 
has  an  immediate  bearing  on  our   subject  and  is  possibly  the 
source  of  I.  II.'s  account.     I  reproduce  the  passage  in  transla- 
tion: Certain  heretics  quote  a  poem  by  al-'  Abbas  in  confirma-io 
tion  of   their  guluww.      "This  is  mentioned   by  a  number  of 
their  writers  and  their  cleverest  critics,  out  of  the  sects  of  the 
Muhammadiyya,  the  'Ilbaniyya  (see  p.  10130)  and  others.     One  of 
them,   Isliak  b.   Muhammed   an-Nakha'i,  known  as  al-Ahmar, 
(did  it)   in  his  book  entitled  '  as-Sirat.  '     It  is  also  mentioned  15 
by  al-Fayyad  b.   Ali   b.   Muhammed  b.    al-Fayyad  (see  Text, 
p.  67,  note  2)  in  his  book  known  as  'al-Kustas,'  in  his  refuta- 
tion of    the  book  'as-Sirat.'     It  is  further   mentioned   by  the 
(man)  known  under  the  name  of  an-Nahkin!  (?  see  Text,  p.  66, 
note    9)    in   his    refutation    of    the    book    entitled     'as-Sirat.  '20 
These  (two  men)  belong  to  the  Muhammadiyya.     They  refuted 
this  book  (of  Ishak)  which  was  (written)  according  to  the  doc- 
trine of  the  'Ilbaniyya." 

-  L.  6.     The  name  of  the  Katib  is  Ali  b.  Muhammed  b.  al- 
Fayyad  (note  2).     I  have  found  no  reference  to  him  elsewhere,  25 
except   the   superscription  to  al-Buhtuii's  poem   (see  later).  — 
Ishak  b.  Kandaj  died  279.     ['Abdallah  Text  67°  is  oversight.] 

-  L.  9.     Al-Walid  b.  'Obeid  at-Ta'i  al-Buhtur!  lived  205- 
284,  Bi-ockelmann  I,   80.     The  verse  quoted  by  I.  H.  is  found 
in  al-Buhturi's  Divan,  ed.  Constantinople  (1300A),  vol.  II,  p.  86.  30 


The  Kasida  is  headed  +.  .  — 


(another  poem,  I,  23  is  headed   jjo^ft!   ^j    ~^.-.         5)-     The 
verse  is  the  beginning  of  a  nasib. 

-  L.  11.     Guweir  is  a  drinking  place  of   the  Kelb  between 
'Irak  and  Syria,  Yakut  III,  827.     Bekri,  Geographical  Diction-  35 
ary,  ed.  Wiistenfeld,  Gottingen  1876/7,  p.  703,  pronounces  the 

name   -j«.iJf  . 


104  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[67]  -  L.  16.  AbiVl-Husein  al-Kasim  b.  'Abdallah  (or  'Ubeidal- 
lah)  died  during  the  reign  of  Muktafi  in  291,  only  over  thirty 
years  old.  He  is  described  as  being  very  bloodthirsty,  IKhall. 
No.  474.  —  The  fact  recorded  by  I.  H.  —  al-Fayyad's  execution 
5  at  the  hands  of  al-Kasim  —  is  not  found  in  any  other  source  at 
my  disposal. 

[68]      68,  1.  1  f.      "  Adam  "  here  apparent!}7  stands  for  the  "original 


man,"    the    *J.J>J   Iyjw*i     of   the    Manicha?ans,  the 

of  the  Cabbala,  see  Louis  Ginzberg  in  Jew.  JSnct/cl.,  vol.  I,  s.v. 

10  Adam  Kadmon.  Shahr.  114  ascribes  to  Bay  an  (p.  8816)  the 
belief  that  Adam  possessed  a  "Divine  particle"  which  made 
him  worthy  of  the  worship,  of  the  angels.  A  similar  concep- 
tion —  the  "  Divine  Element"  inherent  in  Adam  as  the  immedi- 
ate creation  of  God,  passing  through  the  pious  descendants  <>1' 

15  Adam  to  Jacob  and  through  him  to  the  Jewish  nation  —  is  the 
basis  of  Jehuda  Halevi's  (twelfth  century)  philosophical  system 
in  his  Kusari  (Book  I,  §  47,  95).  —  From  Adam  to  Muhammed 
there  were  seven  prophets  (comp.  p.  127'  5).  This  number  of 
prophets  occurs  very  frequently  in  connection  with  Shiitic  sects, 

•20  see  p.  89  f  .  ;  p.  796  (the  Karmatians);  p.  127  (the  Nuseirivya)  ; 
Blochet  56  (the  Isma'iliyya).  The  origin  of  this  conception  goes 
back  to  the  Pseudo-Clementines,  see  p.  8o26  ff. 

—  L.  5.     It  is  possible  that  here,  too,  the  number  seven    is 
intended.       Ja'fai     is    the    seventh    prophet    beginning    with 

25  Muhammed.  —  Zeid.    fol.    104:i    designates    as      Rawah'd    pure 

S 

and  simple  those  who  pass  the  Imamate  down  to  Ja'far: 


AJ'  au.o  J|  (j!  ^-*£^  <Xfr^Vx>  ^J  r**-?*  ^  *<y°?-''  fjOli  J>f 
[V$&j  *£"•     Ja'far  as-Sadik  occupies  a  central  position 

among  the  Shi'a.     He  is  called  cKw   ***.?>  "the  Great  Ja'far" 

/ 

so  by  the  Persian  theologians  (Blochet  53,  note  1)  and  his  name 
permanently  figures  in  Shiitic  literature  as  authority  for  every- 
thing that  bears  on  religious  doctriue.  He  was  also  highly 
esteemed  by  the  Sunna.  Typical  of  this  unique  position  of 

Ja'far  is  the  anecdote  told  by  Isfr.  fol.  16":       ^ 


^    *> 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  105 

|JCI  ^J  v^U  |V«J  JUi    GU5    LJ   vJI^  U^y  oJlS  'UL^i 

^  -a-  «,  #      e     > 

is  xo  J<£.  LJ5  f  6J.  a 


Jjj'   ao!    (sic)    (jyyij   ~«Jj-»..ejJ   U-ui   (sic) 

'  °    -*     &          <^t          cJ» 
AX.  &AJ!  (Ms.  ^j«tXAAJ)  ^.tXAJwa-j  *-^y**  (V^--    o>-fc*  ° 


'! 


The  purpose  of  this  Sunnitic  invention  is  plain.     It  is  meant 
to  ridicule  the  constant  references  of  the  Shiites  to  the  authority  10 
of  Ja'far  (see  the  passages  in  the    Index    to  this  treatise  s.v. 
Ja'far).     But  it  also  shows  the  great  esteem  in  which  Ja'far 
was  held  even  by  the  orthodox. 

The  knowledge  of  mystic  lore  with  which  the  Shiites  credit 
all  their  Imams  is  attributed  in  even  a  higher  degree  to  Ja'far.  15 
Zeid.  101&  defines  this  belief  in  the  omniscience  of  the  Imams 

in  the  followin     characteristic  manner:       .x>    .jix^  Jli' 

j   * 


y 

L«.*Jt  3  Lo.  ^i^JI  xa.jLv.JI 


.(read 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  more  moderate  among  the 
Shiites  oppose  this  extravagant  belief  in  Ja'far's  omniscience 
and  they  quote  Ja'far  himself  as  indignantly  protesting  against 
it.  When  Ja'far  was  told  that  people  believed  that  he  knew  25 

1  See  page  56'23  f  . 

1  ,v£\  with  the  by-meaning  of  "telling  a  lie,"  see  Goldziher,  Muh.  St. 

II,  51. 


106  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


[08]  "hidden  things"  (^AiJf),  he  passionately  exclaimed:  "Praise 
unto  Allah!  Put  thy  hand  on  my  head!  By  Allah,  there  is 
not  a  single  hair  on  my  body  which  does  not  stand  on  edge!" 
(Kashi  196). 

5  An  outgrowth  of  this  conception  is  the  peculiar  belief  in  the 
existence  of  a  mystic  book  called  "  Jafr"  containing  a  record  of 
all  past  and  future  events  "from  Creation  to  Resurrection",  ' 
the  authorship  of  which  was  assigned  to  Ja'far.  This  mysteri- 
ous volume  with  the  mysterious  name2  plays  an  important  part 

10  in  the  development  of  the  Shi'a.  See  on  this  book,  de  Goeje, 
Garmathes  115  f.,  van  Vloten,  Chiitisme,  54  f.,  IKhald.  II,  184  f  . 
Bagd's  remarks  on  the  subject  (fol.  99*)  are  worthy  of  repro- 

duction :    K-ftxs*       !   OM..CX 


15  (Ms.  ^yAJ.     Jij      zu 

XAJ  L/C 


"  •"»!       af    "- 

..ydi'  J1    ^ji  *.J 


1  Comp.  Blochet,  p.  13.     There  was  a  white  and  a  red  "Jafr,"  ib. 

2  IKhald.  II,  184  maintains  that  "Jafr"  signifies  dialectically  "  small  " 
and  that  the  book  was  so  called  because  it  was  written  on  the  hide  of  a 
small  (young)  ox.     According  to  Taj  al-'Arus,  the  word  signifies  sheep 
in  the  first  few  months  of  life.     Neither  explanation  is  in  any  way  satis- 
factory.    The  real  meaning  of  the  word  was  evidently  early  forgotten. 
Van  Vloten,  Chiitisme,  p.  56,  note  6  is  inclined  to  regard  it  as  a  foreign 
word  and  to  connect  it  with  Greek  ypatyri.     I  am  rather  inclined  to  think 
that  Jafr  is  merely  a  variation  of  Ja'far  to  whom  it  is  assigned.     [I  have 
since  noticed  that  Goldziher,  Shi'a,  p.  456  n.  5,  incidentally  gives  the 
same  explanation.] 

3  See  Text,  p.  68,  1.  6. 

4  Comp.  Makr.  35216. 

6  The  verses  are  quoted  anonymously  IKhall.  No.  419.  The  authorship 
of  Harun  b.  Sa'd  (Kashi  151,  Sa'id)  is  rather  precarious,  for  it  is  he  who 
is  mentioned  IKhald.  II,  184  as  the  Rawi  of  this  book.  (He  is  designated 
in  the  same  passage  as  the  head  of  the  Zeidiyya.) 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  107 

-  L.  8  ff.     The  episode  presupposes  the  allegorical  method  [68] 
of  Koran  interpretation  current  in  Shiitic  circles  which  explains 
the  religioiis  prohibitions  as  the  names  of   persons  and  brings 
all  religious  commands  in  relation  to  the  Imam,  see  Text,  p.  35, 
and  Comm.  p.  14'°  ff.     It  is  obvious  that  the  Hajj  precept,  if  for  5 
no  other  than  political   reasons,   had  to  succumb  to  the  same 
allegorical  transformation1  and  to  become  a  mere  "going  to  the 
Imam"  (Text,  p.  3511).    Accordingly,  the  Gulat  of  Kufa  arrange 
a  regular  hajj  to  Ja'far  with  all  due  requisites,  including  attire 
and  religious  exclamations  (Labbaika  Ja'far,  1.  10).  —  An  inter-  10 
esting  parallel  to  this  story  is  the  incident  related  Agh.   XV, 
121.     The  Ja'fariyya  (as  is  evident  from  XIX,  58,  identical  with 
the  Mugiriyya,  the  adherents  of  Mugira  b.  Sa'id,  Comm.  p.  80) 
rebelled  against  Khalid  b.  'Abdallah  al-Kasri,  the  wall  of  Kufa 
(Comm.  7936),  "and  they  came  out  in  short  trousers,2  shouting:  15 
'with  thee  ("labbaika")  o  Ja'far!  with  thee,  o  Ja'far!  '"  At  first 
sight  one  might  feel  inclined  to  identify  the  two  stories.     But 
chronological  considerations  stand  in  the  way  of  this  identifica- 
tion.    For  the  rebellion  of  Mugira  took  place  in  119  (Tab.  II, 

1  How  anxious  the  Shiitic  leaders  were  to  abolish  the  hajj  to  Mekka, 
the  center  of  Sunnitic  Islam,  can  be  inferred  from  the  pregnant  utter- 
ance of  Abu  Ja'far  at-Tusi  (the  author  of  List  of  Shy'ah  books,  died 


459/1  060)  quoted  by  Mirza,  fol.  65b  :  ^  g-grv  .y.    . 

(read 


aJLJ! 


,£.2* 


X-U!        wd    X.  \    **    U>J       »•>£• 


)  "  ~  ' 

2  (.wAjLo  pi.  of  ,jlxi'  small  breeches  "  without  legs  such  as  to  conceal 

the  anterior  and  posterior  pudenda"  (Lane),  indeed  a  sort  of  sanscu- 
lottes.    It  was  the  dress  of  the  Mawali,  van  Vloten,  Chiitisme,  p.  70, 


note  2.  —  Prof.  Noldeke  is  inclined  to  take  it  as  the  plural  of  ^Qj'  and 
to  translate  (^^AAJ!  \Jjy~  ^=)  ^xAlxJ!  ^:  "on  the  market  of 
the  Strawdealers." 


108  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[68]  1619  f.),  while  the  story  related  in  our  text  plays  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Abbasside  period.  Wellhausen,  Opp.  97,  note  1  is 
sceptical  with  reference  to  the  hajj  incident  told  in  Agh.  But 
it  is  not  only  supported  by  I.  H.'s  account.  The  general  character 
s  of  the  Ultra-Shiitic  tenets  makes  an  incident  of  this  sort  quite 
probable. 

-  L.  11.     Abu  Bekr  Ibn  'Ayash  died  in  193,  lAth.  VII,  153 ; 

» t*-      «~ 
Dahabi,  Huffaz  VI,  20. '     The  words  J^A**  *4xJI    Joj!   .-3U 

+       - .    *      •    \  y  ^* 

I  take  (with  a  great  deal  of  reserve)  to  indicate  that  he  remem- 
lobers  the  incident  so  vividly,  as  if  it  were  before  his  eyes. 
Ibn  'Ayash  probably  narrated  the  incident  long  after  it  passed. 
He  died  193,  while  'Isa  b.  Musa,  who  fought  against  the  secta- 
rians, died  in  167. 

-  L.  17.     See    Comm.   1932.     Muhammed   b.    Isma'il  is  the 
15  seventh  Imam  beginning  with  Adam,  de  Goeje,  Carmathes  168; 

comp.  Comm.  p.  104. 

-  L.  19.     Al-Hasan  b.   Bahrain  was  the  head  of   the    Kur- 
matians  of   Bahrein.     He  was  killed  by   his    servant    in    301, 

IKhall.  No.   186,  p.  122;  Tab.  Ill,  2291.— The    reading  ^^ 

20  (n.  6)  is  found  elsewhere,  see  de  Goeje,   Carmathes  111,  note  3. 

The  name  al-Jannabi  comes  from  Jannaba,  a  small  place  on 

the    coast    of   the    Persian    Gulf,  opposite  the  island    Kharak, 

Yakut  II,   122.     IKhall.   ibidem  and  No.  650,  p.  40,  maintains 

that  Jannaba  is  a  place  near  Bahrein.     Yakut,  however,  brands 

25  this  assumption  as  a  gross  error. 

-  Note  7.     The  form   -**$  as  given  in  Codd.  does  not  neces- 
sarily represent  the  consonants  KSR.     The  middle  letter  may 
stand  for  a  great  many  combinations  of  consonants  with  dia- 
critical points  which  it  is  impossible  to  make  out.     The  man 

30  himself  is  no  doubt  identical  with  "  the  Isbahanian,"  de  Goeje, 
Carmathes  129  ff.  He  managed  to  pass  as  a  saint  in  the  eyes 
of  Abu  Tahir,  the  son  of  Abu  Sa'id  (see  preceding  note),  who 
believed  in  him  and  paid  him  Divine  honors.  He  carried  him 
about  in  a  tent  so  as  to  hide  him  from  the  graze  of  the  multi- 


1  lAth.,  who  gives  the  exact  pronunciation,  has  no  Tashdid.     Yet, 


is  frequently  found,   see,   e.    g.,   Tab.   Ill,   25081.      Goldziher, 
Zahiriten,  p.  3,  writes  "  "Ajas,"  the  same  ZDMG.  50,  492  "  'Ajjas." 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  109 

tude   (Arib,  p.  162).     Ultimately,  however,  he  was  found  out  [68] 
and  then  killed  by  Abil  Tahir's  sons.     lAth.  VIII,  263  f.  places 
these  events  in  326,  de  Goeje  in  319.  —  The  same  man  is  unques- 
tionably identical  with  "the  Isbahanian,"  briefly  mentioned  by 
Ibn    Adhari,    ed.    Dozy    I,    232:     "Abu     'Obeid     (read    Abu  5 
Sa'id)    al-Jannabi  .   .   .   advocated  publicly  adultery,  unnatural 
vice,  lying,  wine  drinking  and  the  omission  of  prayer.     Simi- 


larly to  it  acted  the  Isbahanian  (  _j$XAo!)/'  Masudi,  Tanbih, 
ed.  de  Goeje,  39116  describes  him  as  "the  young  man  (*ik*JI) 
known  as  az-Zakari,  one  of  the  descendants  of  the  Persian  10 
kings  of  the  lands  of  Isbahan.'1  The  other  sources  also  give 
his  first  name,  but  in  so  many  forms  that  it  is  impossible  to 
make  out  the  correct  form;  comp.  de  Goeje,  ibidem. 

-  L.  20  and  note  8.  The  man  spoken  of  here  is  usually 
designated  as  Ibn  Ilaushab;  comp.  IKhald.  II,  185.'  The  other  is 
names  differ  widely  in  the  various  sources.  The  nearest  to  I.  H. 
is  Makr.  :  Abu  '1-Kasim  al-Hasan  (or  al-Husein)  b.  Faraj  b. 
Ilaushab  al-Kvlfi  (de  Sacy,  CCLV  note).  lAth.  VIII,  22,  Abul- 
feda  and  Bibars  Mansuri  (quoted  de  Sacy,  ib.)  call  him  Rustem 
b.  Husein  b.  Ilaushab  b.  Zadan  (lAth.  ^j!3!*>)  an-Xajjar.  20 
Nuweiri  again  (quoted  de  Sacy,  p.  CCCCXLIV)  has  Abft  '1-Husein 
Rustem  b.  Karhin  b.  Haushab  b.  Dadan  an-Xajjar.  Dastur 
al-Munajjimin  (de  Goeje,  Ccirmathes  2045)  gives  Abu  '1-Kasim 
al-Faraj  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Ilaushab  b.  Zadan.  —  The  reason  for  this 
vacillation  lies  in  the  fact  recorded,  though,  it  seems,  no  morels 
understood,  by  I.  II.  that  he  "was  called  al-Mansur."  Al- 
Mansur  was  the  title  of  the  Karmatian  Missionary-in-ehief 
which  approached  in  significance  that  of  the  Mahdi.2  There 
was  a  Mansur  al-Bahrein  as  well  as  a  Mansur  al-Yemen  who  is 
referred  to  here;  see  de  Goeje  ib.^  p.  170,  n.  1,  204".  —  Ibn  so 
Ilaushab  made  his  public  appearance  in  Yemen  in  270,  de  Goeje 
ib.  204".  Abu  'Abdallah  ash-Shi'i  (p.  75'°)  was  one  of  the  best 
officers  of  Ibn  Ilaushab  (Blochet,  70),  to  whom  he  had  been  sent 
by  'Ubeidallah  and  Muhammed  al-Habib  (IKhald.  II,  185,  in 
the  name  of  Ibn  ar-Rakik,  d.  340/952).  On  the  death  of  35 


1  Blochet  70  erroneously  transcribes  Abu'l  Kasem  ibn  Djoushem  (sic). 
-  On  Mansur  as  the  title  of  the  Mahdi  (Messiah)  see  Goldziher,  ZDMG. 
56,  411:  van  Vloten,  Chiitisme,  p.  61;  de  Goeje,  ib.  p.  73. 


110  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[68]  Halwani  and  Abu  Sufyan,  the  Karmatian  missionaries  in  Magh- 
rib, Ibn  Haushab  dispatched  him  to  that  country  (Makr.  II, 
10±  ff.,  Blochet  ib.).1 

-  Note  8,  1.  3-4.      'Ali  b.  al-Fadl  (al-Janadi  from  the  prov- 
5  ince  Janad  in  Yemen,  Ed.  II,  3823,  see  Comm.  p.  179)   was  the 

Janah  (a  Karmatian  technical  term  designating  a  sort  of  aide- 
de-camp)  of  Ibn  Haushab  and  accompanied  him  to  Aden  La  'a, 
de  Goeje  ib.  204'.  The  latter  gives  his  name,  similarly  to  I.  II., 
as  Ali.  Otherwise  he  is  called  Muhammed,  e.  g.,  Istakhri  24,  ~ 

10  de  Sacy  CCLV.  Nuweiri  (quoted  de  Sacy  CCCOLVI)  has  Abfl'l- 
Kheir  Muhammed  b.  al-Fadl,  comp.  Weil,  Geschichte  der 
Chalifen  II,  510,  Miiller,  Islam  I,  595.  The  Banu  Ziyad 
traced  back  their  origin  to  Ziyad,  who  pretended  to  be  a  son  of 
Abti  Sufyan  and  was  afterwards  acknowledged  as  brother  bv 

i^Mu'awiya,  IKot.  176.  They  were  settled  in  Zebid.  The  Du- 
Manakh  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Aden,  Yakut  IV,  472. 

-  Note  8,  1.  5.     (£jly-^-J!  is  most    probably    identical    with 

-itxj^Jt  ,  mentioned  de  Sacy  ccx.  I  quote  this  passage,  as  it 
Is  of  great  significance  in  connection  with  I.  H.'s  text.  "En 
soannee  295  un  nouvel  imposteur,  nomme  Abou  Khatem.  etablit 
une  secte  particuliere  parmi  certain  Karmates  du  Sawad  que 
1'on  nommait  Bouranijja,  du  nom  de  leur  Da'i  Bourani  (^-jK^xM). 
Abou  Khatem  interdisait  a  ses  disciples  1'ail,  le  poireau  et  les 
raves3  .  .  .  Cette  espece  de  Karmates  fut  nommee  Xakalijja 


Ibn  Adhari  I,  292  is  probably  identical  with  Ibn 


Haushab.     Read  ^.j.  —  It  is  possible  that  )^      i-£,  wno  is  men- 

tioned Comm.  179  among  the  Karmatian  missionaries  immediately 
before  'Ali  b.  al-Fadl  (see  next  note),  is  identical  with  our  man.  —  tj| 
«JU!  Jocc  (ib.)  is  perhaps  identical  with  Abu  'Abdallah 


__ 
o 
ash-Shi'i. 

*  The  variant  in  note  n  "iaxi  JiJl  ^c.  ^Jlii'   ->^;  instead  of 

may  be  due  to  the  difference  in  name. 
8  See    above    page    7616.      A    certain    Mu'tazilite      ^.  _  j       __  jC_.  3 

tX^.!J!  JLX.£.  (frequent  variant  o^J)  v_>-wi».^!  prohibited  garlick  and 
onions,  Isfr.  48*.  On  the  prohibition  of  certain  vegetables,  see  Chwol- 
sohn,  Ssabier,  II,  10,  109  ff. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  Ill 


.1'     The  name  Burani  does  not  occur  elsewhere,1  but  [68] 
Nakaliyya  is  found  in  various   form's.     Arib    (ed.  de    Goeje) 
p.  137  (anno  316)  speaks  of  the  Karmatians  known  (sic)  auXaxJU 
cyts-ftji  t>Lri»MJ.     As  one  of  their  leaders  is  mentioned  a  certain 


v.=>.   ^-?  t>jjL*AfcX>,  who  is  no  doubt  identical  with  ^.J  oo^a». 

x    lAth.     VIII,     136     (also    anno    316).     Interesting    is 
Mas'ildfs  remark  (Tanbih  391s):  he  had  already  mentioned  in 


former  works   <3u~wwO    (sic,  see  note  e)    xxXixJI  iii/cl^ji 


.    r;i    jU~/    ^i    JJj. 


•^>J!c>j>.afc,    comp.  de  Goeje  ib.   p.  99.     I  consider  the  reading 

s^ 

Bakliyya  the  only  correct  one,  as  it  no  doubt  stands  in  some 


relation  to  the  prohibition  of  certain  vegetables  Jjij  recorded 
by  de  Sacy.  The  connection,  assumed  in  the  glossary  to 
Mas  'Adi's  Tanbih  (s.  v.  xxAJb),  between  this  sect  and  a  certain  is 
al-Bakli  (Agh.  XI,  75'3,  see  Comrn.  p.  46&)  is  impossible.  Both 
material  and  chronological  discrepancies  (anno  129  —  anno  316) 
speak  against  the  identification. 

69,  1.1.      On  'Ubeidallah  and  the  rise  of  the  Fatimides  see  [69] 
the  detailed  accounts  by  de  Goeje,  Carmathes,  p.  5  ff.  (the  larger  20 
part  of  the  essay  bearing  on  this  subject),  Blochet,  p.  77  ff. 

-  L.  4.     The  Khattabiyya  and  the  numerous  factions  belong- 
ing to  it  are  frequently  mentioned  by  I.  H.  (see  Index).     The 
name  of  the  founder  as  given  by  I.  H.  is  found  Fihr.  186  ult., 
Shahr.  136,  lAth.  VIII,  21.     Kashi,   who  devotes  a  very  long  25 
article    to    him    (pp.    187-199),   calls   him   Muhammad  b.   Abi 

1  Perhaps     jLLJi  jvJ'Ls*.  ,j.J  <X«.^?  ..vJ  *.J't^-  from  Baran,  one  of  the 
towns  of  Merv  (Yakut  I,  462),  may  be  the  same  man.  —  Lubb  al-Lubdb 


explains     "jl^J!     as  referring    ^^aiJI     jj^o     ^L.J!      J^c     J.I 
i..^.  .     In  the  Appendix  sub  hac  voce  the  editor  remarks  :  '•  In  separato 


articulo  agit  Ibn  al-Athir  de    _K«M/!,  quae  cst  alia  tantum  eiusdem 
nominis  forma."    I  have  not  been  able  to  locate  the  passage  in  lAth. 


112  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


[69]  Zeinab,  but  adds  that  his  name  was   ^-sUo^!   ^j!    ..o 

b!  Ldjf  ^Ijoj   JiAAU-J  b!  {5lLj   ^tXu,Vi    £J^>Y!  ollJt 

i^LuJoJ!  (p.  187).     Makr.  3523  gives  his  name  as  ^\  ,-j.J  tX+,3? 

^j3,  or  tXJW  g>\  ^J  ;  the  latter  Kunya  is  declared  to  be  correct 

5  by  de  Sacy  CCCCXL,  note  2.     Zeid.   fol.   104"  differs  from    all 

other  authorities  in  calling  him  al-Hattab   (with  soft  «••  under 

the  line  and  without  Abti)  :  JLoUiiU    *^.J    Jli.J     Js^ 
. 


10  The  Khattabiyya  occupy  a  commanding  position  in  heterodox 
Islam.  Makr.  3524  estimates  their  subdivisions  at  no  less  than 
fifty.  Abu'l-Khattab  is  designated  as  the  originator  of  the 
allegoi'ical  method  of  Koran  interpretation,  see  p.  1-4.  IKot. 
300,  on  the  other  hand,  confesses  to  know  nothing  about  him, 

is  except  that  he  permitted  perjury  against  the  opponents  of  his 
sect2  as  well  as  murder  and  adultery.  The  latter  is  also  attributed 
to  him  by  other  writers. 

The  central  point  of  the  Khattabiyya  doctrine  is  the  worship 
of  Ja'far.     They  claimed  to  be  in  possession  of  his  mystic  work 

2o"Jafr,"  see  p.  106.  Fihr.  186  ult.  ascribes  to  him  the  belief 
in  the  divinity  of  Ali.  But  this  appears  to  be  correct  only  in 
so  far  as  he  regarded  all  the  Imams  as  higher  Divine  beings. 
According  to  Shahr.  and  Isfr.  (56b),  he  claimed  prophecy  only 
when  Ja'far  had  withdrawn  from  him.  Zeid.  (ib.)  however 

25  maintains  that  he  asserted  his  claims  only  after  Ja'far's  death, 
pretending  to  have  been  designated  by  him  as  his  successor." 


1  On  Raj 'a  see  p.  23  ff. 

2  See  Makr.  8521.—  Comp.  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  60.  222. 

3  Isfr.  5Qh  and  Makr.  35'35  assign  to  the  Khatt&biyya  the  belief  in  a 
"speaking"  and  "silent''  Imam  (Natik  and  Samit),  a  conception  which  is 
of  such  incisive  importance  in  the  propaganda  of  the  Ba^iniyya.     One 
might  feel  reluctant  to  admit  the  existence  of  this  belief  at  so  early  a 
period.     But  Fihr.,  too,  assumes  a  connection  between  the  Khattabiyya 
and  the  Meimuniyya,  the  party  of  Meimun  al-Kaddah,  the  originator  . 
of  the  Ba^iniyya  movement.     Comp.  de  Sacy,  CCCCXLI. 


Vol.  xxix.J         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  113 

The  orthodox  Imamites  are  anxious  to  get  rid  of  this  unpleas-  [69] 
ant  partnership.     Hence  the  numerous  utterances  put  into  the 
mouth  of  Ja'far  which  curse  Abu'l-Khattub  (Kashi  repeatedly, 
see  esp.  p.  195)  and  declare  those  Avho  follow  him  to  be  worse 
than  "Jews,   Christians,  Magians  and  heathens"  (p.  192,  194;  5 
in  the  year  138,   p.   191  below).     They  maintain    that   Abu'l- 
Khattub  told    lies   about   Ja'far    (ib.   195,  146)    and   that   his 
adherents  "to  this  very  day  smuggle  these  traditions  into  the 
books  of  the  adherents  of  Abu   'Abdallah   (i.  e.,  Ja'far)"   (ib, 
146).-  10 

Abu'l-Khattab  was  crucified  in  Kufa  by  'Isa  b   Musa  (d.  167), 
Shahr.  ib.,  Isfr.  56^. 


-  L.  7.     Comp.  Iji  346  (read  L!)  ^\  ^J         ,J?*>Laft  Juu*>; 
uo  J^LS!  vjUarlt  ,  similarly  Bagd.  99^,  Isfr.  56*. 

-  L.  9  f  .     »jL<yj  aXM    *Ujf  is  quoted  Koran  5,   21  as  the  is 


pretension  of  the  Jews  and  Christians.  According  to  Shahr., 
Abu'l-Khattab  applied  this  expression  to  the  ancestors  of  Ja'far, 
i.  e.,  to  the  Huseinids  only.  Makr.  (3525)  states  that  he  believed 
that  "the  Imams  were  like  Ali  and  that  his  (i.  e.,  Ali's)  chil- 

s  .,  ~ 
dren  were    all   prophets."     More  distinctly  Iji  ib.  :   aL^JJ   JU-2VI 

and  quite  unequivocally  Bagd.  99^  UcL^5 
x-UI    frU-j!    Ujojl         A*!S.|          ***i!    (l.     Our    text 


accordingly  cannot  be  correct.     On  the  basis  of  the  above  state- 
ments I  have  inserted  the  name   of   al-Husein.     I  read  either 


or,  perhaps  more  acceptably,  ^J.XA**S..  25 

-  L.  11.  This  strange  belief  was  widespread  in  these  cir- 
cles, see  p.  7230.  Thus  the  Mu'ammariyya  (p.  11411)  believed 
that  "men  do  not  die  but  their  spirits  are  lifted  up  into  other 
(men?)"  (Makr.  3529).  This  is  evidently  the  belief  in  Trans- 
migration. Philosophically  tinged  is  the  opinion  of  the  Bazi-  30 
giyya  "that  the  man  who  has  attained  to  perfection  cannot  be 
said  to  have  died"  (p.  96"). 

VOL.  xxix.  8 


114  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[69]  —  L.  12.  Instead  of  the  translation  offered  in  the  text, 
which  conveys  no  proper  meaning,  I  would  suggest  to  punctu- 
ate the  Arabic  phrase  Ed.  IV,  187'4  in  the  following  manner: 

"the  most  uncertain 


5  in  the  opinion  of  men  regarding  this  (the  claim  not  to  die  and 
to  be  lifted  up  to  heaven)  is  the  Sheikh  whom  you  see  (i.  e., 
Abu'l-Khattab)."  In  other  words,  if  anyone,  then  it  is  Abu'l- 
Khattab  who  has  no  chance  to  get  to  heaven.  L  Br  (note  5)  read 


Pei'haps  in  Ed.,  too,  &A-&  is  to  be  corrected  into 
10  The  two  readings  would  then  coincide.1 

-  L.  14.      On  the  Mu'ainmariyya  see  Shahr.  137,  Makr.  35  2  : 
(who  agrees  with  him  verbatim).     This  Mu'ammar  is  po^ibly 


identical  with,  the  Mu'tazilite  ^4-w  t^x-fr  ^.J  -+mc  Makr. 
34728,  Iji  340,  who  expresses  similar  opinions,  and  with  Mu'am- 

15  mar  who  advocates  the  Imamate  of  'Abdallah,  the  son  of  Ja'far 
as-Sadik,  Makr.  35  130.  The  latter  view  is  assigned  by  Shahr. 
126  to  the  Aftahiyya  sect,  which  derives  its  name  from  al- 
Aftah,  the  by-name  of  'Abdallah  b.  Ja'far.  The  name  of  the 
founder  is  omitted. 

20  -  L.  18.  Abu  Mugith  (Tab.  Ill,  2289,  Abu  Muhammed)  al- 
Husein  b.  Mansur  al-Hallaj,  whose  grandfather  is  said  to  have 
been  a  Magian  (Zoroastrian),  came  from  the  town  Beidu  in 
Faris.  He  was  executed  in  309/922  during  the  reign  of  al- 
Muktadir  and  his  ashes  were  strewn  in  the  Tigris.  His  adher- 

2sents  considered  this  the  cause  of  the  rise  of  the  Tigris  in  that 
year.  Many  expected  that  he  would  return  to  life  after  forty 
days  (comp.  p.  2327),  asserting  that  it  was  not  Hallaj  who  was 
executed  but  an  enemy  of  his  on  whom  he  had  pressed  his  own 
features,  IKhall.  186,  see  Comm.  3012/  He  exercised  a  powerful 

so  influence  not  only  on  his  own  age  but  on  posterity  as  well.  He 
had  numerous  admirers  among  orthodox  Mohammedans  (Bagd. 

1  One  thinks  of  Makr.'s  words  (35210)  in  his  account  on  the  Bazigiyya 
that  Ja'far  was  a  god  (J^c.    xlxco'    Uitj  (j*LJ!  »L.s  ^jj!  »5>   ^xJ  , 

iwwLAJ!  .  But  I  do  not  know  how  to  bring  this  meaning  into  I.  H.'s 
sentence. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  115 

101*)1  and  even  among    non-Muhammedans.2     See    on  'Hallaj,  [69] 
Fihr.  10014  ff.  (with  a  list  of  his  writings),  Arib  (ed.  de  Goeje) 
86  ff.,   Bagd.   101%  Isfr.   60a  f.    (an    extract  from   the    latter, 
Haarbrucker  II,  437),  Dozy,  Isl.   324  f.,  Kremer,  Ideen  70  f., 
130  note  26.  5 

-  L.  19.     IKhall.  No.  186  similarly  has  Hamid  (not  Ibn  H., 
note  9).     He  died  311. 

-  L.  22.     The  by-name  of  this  sectarian  is  iisually  given  as 


—  ,   from  Shalmagan,  a  town  in  the  neighborhood  of 

AVasit,  lAth.  VIII,  216,  Yakut  III,   314.     It    is    evident   thatio 
I.  H.  took  the  name  Shalmagan  to  be  that  of  a  person  (see  also 
note  10).     Similarly  IKhall.  No.  186,  p.  129  has  Ibn  ash-Shalma- 
gani.     Interesting  in  this  connection  is  Yakut's  remark  (ib.)  : 
"  ash-Shalmagan  is    the    name    of   a    man;    possibly  this  town 
derives  its  name  from  him.     But  it  is  a  mistake."     He  admits,  15 
however,  that  elsewhere  this  word  is  found  as  a  personal  name, 
as    can    be    confirmed    b     a  verse  of   al-Buhturi.     Aside  from 


,  we  also  find  ^ji+          ,  Fihr.  1762*,  note  13   (this 
coincides   with  the   reading  of    A,  note  10    of    our   text)    and 
^JUi+XwJ!  Bagd.  102*.  —  I.  H.  is  the  only  one  who  designates  20 
him  as  Katib.     Perhaps  this  is    due    to  a  confusion  with   the 
Katib  mentioned  soon  afterwards  (Text,  p.  70,  note  2,  1.  5). 

The  reading  cVJsluLM  (note  11)  is  confirmed  by  the  variant 
L-^i'lvi,  IKhall.  No.  186,  p.  129.  The  vast  majority  of  writers, 

1  I.  H.  quotes  him  repeatedly  as  the  type  of  a  miracle  worker,  e.  g.. 
Ed.  I,  10921,  110"  ;  he  ridicules  (V,  11713)  the  "  adherents  of  Incarnation 
and  the  extremists  among  the  Rafida  "  who  believe  that  people  like 
Hallaj,  yjiJ!  j|  ^.j!  (probably  abbreviation  for  _s!ya.J!  ^j|  ,j,jl  , 

see  Comm.  116  n.  1)  and  others  are  Divine  beings,  while  they  sit  in  their 
company,  discharge  the  lowest  human  functions  and  exhibit  human 
desires. 

-  See  a  poem  of  his  transcribed  in  Hebrew  characters  published  by 
Hirschfeld,  Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  15  (1903),  p.  176,  180  f.  I  myself 
found  in  the  Oxford  Genizah  (Ms.  Hebr.  d  57)  a  poem  of  a  similar  nature 

in  Hebrew  characters  with  the  superscription  au.fr  &XJ!  c-^) 
(He  plainly  says  there  Ijl  ^JU!.) 


116  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[69]  however,  give  him  the  Kunya  -styxJI  j-?!.1  Bagd.  91a,  102a 
and  Isfr.  61b  call  his  adherents  SJiLxM.  IAth.  VIII,  216  reads 
^Sl  J>  .  Masudi  III,  267  has  r^r*^  j-?'- 

The  cardinal  point  of  ash-Shalmagani's  doctrine  is  the  theory 
5of  the  "Addad"  (Contrasts),  the  simultaneous  revelation  of 
God  in  a  good  and  evil  principle.  Thus,  e.  g.,  he  revealed 
himself  first  in  Adam  and  Iblis,  etc.2  He  called  Moses  and 
Muhammed  impostors,  because  they  merely  were  the  apostles 
of  Aron  and  Ali  respectively  and  usurped  a  dignity  to  which 

10  they  were  not  entitled.  IAth.  and  Abulfeda  II,  382,  from 
whom  I  have  drawn  this  information,  point  out  the  resemblance 
between  this  doctrine  and  that  of  the  Nuseiriyya  (p.  126  f.), 
suggesting  that  they  are  identical. 

On  ash-Shalmagani  see  also  Fihr.  176",  14722,  19619,  de  Slane's 

is  English  translation  of  IKallikan  I,  439,  note  18  (a  biography 
extracted  from  Dahabi's  Tdrlkh  al-Isldm),  de  Sacy  CCXLII, 
Kremer,  Ideen  75  ff. 

Worthy  of  note  is  the  relation   of   the  official  Shi  'a  to  this 
heretic.     Tusy  allots  him  some  space  in  his  work  (p.  305,  No. 


20662),    but    cautiously   adds 
Mirza  fol.  556  rebukes  the  Imamites  for  this  ambiguous  attitude: 

w 

£  Ij-Uj  p-gj!   k-ojl  JaJ!  ^xj 
(sic)   ^o 


is>  of  course,  a  variant  of  Jot.^1!.     If  Ed.  V  11714 


_j!  stands  for     ityjj!    _j|  ^_>!  ,  then  this  would  be  the  original 

form  of  the  name  and  the  difference  between  I.  H.  (note  11)  and  the 
other  writers  could  be  easily  explained.  IAth.  VIII,  372  calls  him  Ibn 
Abfl-Kardkir. 

2  This  idea  is  clearly  identical  with  the  Syzygy  doctrine  taught  in  the 
Pseudo-Clementines,  RecognitionesIII,  59,  61;  Homilies,  II,  15  ;  Eecogn. 
Ill,  61  assumes  ten  such  opposite  pairs. 

3  Died  7261',  Haji  Khalfa  II.  194. 


Vol.  xxix.J         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  117 

xiLi   £    JUs    (J>4>LflJf    ;jt  &Jt=>x    3    13^ 

70,  1.  1  f  .  and  note  1.     Comp.  Bagd.  102"  :  p*jj  Jbl^JU!  ~l?fj  [70] 

»7»j 


5x«J  &».^L}    £.  —  He  believed  that  the  union  in  spirit  is  5 
possible  only  through  the  union  in  flesh,  de  Sacy  II,  572. 

-  Note  2,  1.  2-4.       Al-Husein    b.    'Ubeidallah2  was  Vizier 
under  al-Muktadir.     I.  H.'s  assertion  that  he  was    killed   con- 
flicts with  the  statement  of  all  other  authorities  that  he  renounced 
ash-Shalmagani  in  time  and  thus  saved  his  life.     Bagd.  reports  w 
that  the  ShafSite  and  Malekite  judges  were  of  different  opinion 
regarding  the  admissibility  of  his  repentance,  the  former  voting 
'for,  the  latter  against  its  acceptance. 

-  Note  2,  1.  5.     Ibrahim   b.   Ahmad  b.   Muhammed  b.   Abi 
'Aun   (so  Yakut   III,  314;    IKhallikan    ib.   omits  Muhammed;  is 

Bagd.  ib.  has  f^-Jt  ^  tX*=>>!  ^  <X»^?  ^J  ,vA;oLj!)  was  a  wri- 
ter of  note,  celebrated  for  the  elegance  of  his  style,  Yakut,  IKhall. 
Contrary  to  the  vizier  al-Husein  (see  preceding  note),  he  refused 
to  renounce  ash-Shalmagani  and  was  crucified  and  then  burned 
in  t"he  year  322.  20 

-  L.  5.     The  same  man  is  mentioned  by  I.  H.  as  a  typical 
sorcerer  Milal  V,  fol.   62a  '(Ed.   I,  10920  ff.  as  well  as  Cod.  L 
leave  the  name  out  and  differ  considei-ably)  :    ^jD  P  j-^  IcXsC  ^V°5 

JaJii  ^AjljXH   r^^  ^vxxJ!  (sic)  (j*LjuX-j   (j^r?   *+&  •     See 

the  variants  in  our  text  note  3.     There  is  no  means  to  deciders 
which  is  the  correct  form.  —  This  person  seems  to  be  identical 

with  a  man  merely  designated  as  (^j-^axJ!  and  dealt  with  by 
lAth.  VIII,  372  (anno  340).  He  pretended  that  Ibn  Abl'l 
Karakir  (see  p.  116  n.  1)  had  embodied  himself  in  him  and  he  had 
then  become  the  legitimate  head  of  the  Karakiriyya.  The  so 

1  Comp.  Brockelmann  I.  406. 

'J  The  same  form  of  the  name  also  IKhall.  186,  p.  129  (=de  Slane's 
edition  2245),  lAth.  VIII,  217,  Abulfeda  II,  382,  Bagd.  102%  Isfr.  6lb  ; 
only  Tab.  Ill,  21621  has  ^Zm'1-Husein. 


118  I.  Friedlaender,     .  [1908. 

[TO]  identification   suggests    itself  the  more  readily,  as    in    I.   H.'s 

account  he  also  follows  immediately  after  ash-Shalmagani.  —  The 

clause  "in  our  time"  is  scarcely  correct,  as  I.  H.  was  born  384h 

(died  456).     The  mistake,  however,  is  excusable  when  we  think 

5  of  the  distance  between  Cordova  and  Basra. 

-  L.  7.  Abu  Muslim,  usually  styled  Sahib  ad-Daula,  was 
born  about  100h  and  was  assassinated  at  the  command  of  Man- 
stir  about  140,  IKhall.  No.  382;  IKot.  191  gives  the  year  137. 
The  by-name  —  -t*-uJ!  (as-Siraj  "Lamp"  or,  better,  as-Sarraj 

10  "  Saddler  "?)  I  found  only  in  I.  H.  (Text  here,  3611,1  4513). 

Abu  Muslim  was  dealt  with  Text  4513.  Here  I.  H.  records  the 
additional  belief  in  his  divinity.  According  to  Shahr.  114,  it 
was  the  Rizamiyya  who  advocated  this  belief.  The  founder  of 
this  sect,  Rizam  b.  Sabik,2  rose  in  Khorasan  during  the  lifetime 

15  of  Abu  Muslim.  He  maintained  that  Ali  transferred  the 
Imamate  to  Muhammad  b.  al-Hanafiyya,3  who  passed  it  over  to 
Abu  Hashim,  who,  in  turn,  bequeathed  it  in  writing  to  the 
Abbassides.  At  the  same  time  he  believed  that  Abu  Muslim 
was  an  associate  in  the  Imamate  and  an  incarnation  of  the 

20  Divinity.  Similarly  Iji  347.  Bagd.  100a  (and  alike  Isfr.  .V.i") 
confine  these  doctrines  to  a  fraction  of  the  Rizamiyya  :  i^l  U+-CS  iW 

tun   ^vJi'j  *-Lw*x>  ^j|  ^t  (read  ^Lo)  xLo  ^La^ 

#  w 

^AX)  ;\i*i  Y!  x.j^/0.   .JLifcX      j! 
au!  l+*)  ^ty  **\±  *^-***     ^  3 


L! 


1  Makr.  reads  —  -.wA^Jt,  see  Text  ib.  note  6. 

2  Instead  of  ^jj^  Cureton's  edition  has  a  blank.     It  was  apparently 
missing  in  his  Ms.    I  have  supplied  the  name  from  Makr.  353&.     Haar- 
briicker,  p.  173,  curiously  translates  :   "  Die  Anhanger  von  Rizam,  clem 
Sohne  eines  unbekannten  Vaters  "  ! 

3  Hence  their  classification  among  the  Keisaniyya. 

4  The  Bazlgiyya  (p.  9534  ff.)  believed  "that  some  among  them  were 
better  than  Gabriel,  Michael  and  Muhammed,''  Makr.  35211. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  119 


jl^  LJLs   \«-o.x+JI    tJj.2  ^<XM  ^.^ 

i  "VI,  186,  on  the  whole,  agrees  with  this 
presentation:   "  When  the  (news  of)  the  assassination  of  Abil 
Muslim  reached  Khorasan  and  the  other  mountainous  regions,  5 
the  Khurramiyya  (comp.  the  variants)  became  agitated.     They 
are  the  party  called  Muslimiyya,  which  believed  in  Abu  Muslim 
and  in  his  Imamate  •  •  •  Some  among  them  were  of  the  opinion 
that  he  has  not  died  nor  would  he  ever  die  until  he  has  appeared 
and    filled   the    earth    with   justice."     Fihr.    34427ff.   similarly  10 
describes  the  Muslimiyya  as  the  sect  which  believed  that  Abil 

G  *M 

Muslim  was  alive  (i^J'x^j   -±».  aul,  comp.  Comm.  3813).     He  men- 
tions particularly  a  certain  Ishak  who  acted  in  Transoxania  as  Abu 
Muslim's  missionary,  claiming  that  the  latter  was  imprisoned  in 
the  mountains  of  ar-Rayy  and  that  he  would  come  forth  at  a  is 
certain  time  which  was   known    to   him    only.     Makr.   3531  is 
not  correct  when  he  describes  the  Rizamiyya  as  the  party  which 
passes  the  Imamate    down    to    as-Saffah  and    quite    separately 
enumerates  among  the  Rawandiyya  (p.  121  ff.)  the  aLx^X^J  (see 
footnote  below)  which  transfers  the  Imamate  from  as-Saffah  to  20 
Abu  Muslim.2 

1  See  p.  30'°. 

2  Makr.  354-     j^lxxjt     ^o     &JjJ     v_/^.Lo    SL«JLw     _j|,    also  1.  3, 

is  to  be  read  instead  of  jL«JLu;    f^>\.  —  de  Sacy  T.TX  connects 


^ 

the  XA^JLwwO  with  Abu  Salma,  Abu  Muslim's  general.  But  then  it 
would  be  most  surprising  that  Makr.  mentions  nothing  about  the 
worship  of  Abu  Muslim  and  that  the  other  sources  again  mention 
nothing  about  Abu  Salma.  Besides,  Abu  Salmy,  would  scarcely  be 
styled  "Sahib  ad-Daula."  The  proposed  emendation  removes  these 
difficulties.  The  name  of  the  sect  SU+JLwtxN  is  either  to  be  read 
(as  Masudi  and  Fihrist  have)  or  to  be  explained  as  a  con- 


tracted Nisba  for  iu^Xw^xJ    .-?!  (as  Bagd.  gives),  e.  g.,    ^..«Ju£   from 


from  jw.+xiJI    tXx£,  comp.  Wright,  Grammar 

of  the  Arabic  Language  (3d  ed.)  I,  g  264  Rem.  b.  True,  this  contraction 
does  not  exactly  correspond  with  the  examples  given,  I,  p.  162  A.  But 
one  knows  that  the  abstractions  of  the  Arabic  grammarians  are  of  little 
avail,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  Nisba  endings. 


120  /.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[70]      On    Abu    Muslim   and   his    connection   with    Mazdaism,    see 
Blochet  43  ff. 

-  L.  9.  See  also  Text  369.  The  first  name  of  al-Mukanna' 
is  not  certain.  IKhall.  No.  431  gives  'Ata  and  Hakim  respect- 
5  ively.  The  latter  name  is  recorded  Tab.  Ill,  484'  5  and  lAth. 
VI,  25.  Hashim  (reading  of  L.  Br,  note  6)  is  also  found  Makr. 
354s,  while  Bagd.  100a,  perhaps  correctly,  calls  him  Hashim  b. 
Hakim.  He  was  from  Merv  (note  7),  according  to  Bagd. 

«u!t>  (jL»j^s\l^  LgJ  JLftj   ibjj'   J^ef   ^o.     He  was  a  fuller  by 
10  profession,  I.  H.,  Bagd.  Abulfeda  II,  44,  lAth.  VI,  25  (read 

KLiai'  instead  of  Lx*ai').  He  belonged  to  the  Ri/amiyyn 
(Shahr.  115,  Bagd.)  and  believed  in  the  divinity  of  Abu  Mus- 
lim, regarding,  himself  as  his  incarnation  (lAth.).  He  commit- 
ted suicide  while  besieged  in  his  stronghold  in  163.  According 

15  to  one  version,  he  died  through  poison,  Tab.  Ill,  49010,  IKhall. 
ib.,  Abulfeda  ib.,  Dozy,  Isl.  245  f.  According  to  another 
(recorded  by  Bagd.  and  Isfr.),  he  threw  himself  into  a  burning 
furnace  so  that  his  adherents  were  unable  to  find  his  body  and 
were  therefore  induced  to  believe  that  he  had  been  lifted  up  to 

20  heaven.  lAth.  VI,  34  f.  gives  room  to  both  versions.  Bagd. 
100b  (shorter  Isfr.  60a)  adds  the  following  interesting  notice 
about  the  adherents  of  Mukanna'  at  the  time  of  this  'writer: 


aui  ^j^-Laj  V 

•A^.AAW. 


9     ^t  (j3}+         5y^      f        |-  Y- 

-xi.  ».-aiJ. 


.  JLJ3 
Very  important  is  Bagd's   statement    (lOO*)    concerning  his 


30  doctrine:         s^x1   \^   (         ^   ^j   *-'!  J**    *" 


1  On  the  border  of  Fargana,  Yakut  I,  421. 

f 

2  This  word  gives  no  sense.     Isfr.  has  instead     «.>^LA'/w.^  . 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  121 

[70] 


II  pLuuV!  \»^a    _5  *«.-o.-'    *.j'    •*/.££'_.:'    Sv..xiJ    (then  in 

" '  /^         O     /-'  /  '         /' 

w 


Ali,  his  sons,  finally  in  Abti  Muslim)    2oL*A    _s   xi!    *^X   xil   *-> 

c?  ,5  f..        (j/.  i***11 
^ 


See  on  this  doctrine  p.  8521  ff. 
-  L.  13.     Read  Rawandiyya  (with  long  a  in  the  first  syllable). 

The  name  Rawandiyya  is  generally  applied  to  the  people  who 
came  in  141  or,  according  to  another  version,  in  136  or  137,  to  10 
Hashimiyya,  then  the  capital  of   the  Caliphate,  to  pay  divine 
homage  to  the  Caliph  al-Mansur,  Tab.  Ill,  129  =  IAth.  V,  383; 
Dozy,  Id.  242;  Kremer,  Ideen  12;  Miiller,  Islam  I,  494;  Weil, 
Geschichte  der    Chalifen  II,   37  f. ;  van  Vloten,   Chiitisme  48. 
This  application,  however,  is  correct  only  in  part.     Originally,  15 
it  seems,  the  Rawandiyya  were    but    a  political   party  which 
assigned  the  Imamate  to  the  Abbassides,  just  as  other  parties 
assigned  it  to  the    Omeyyads    or   Alides.     Masudi    repeatedly 
describes  them  as  the  (j*LuJf  tXJj  XJUyi  who  justified  the  trans- 
fer of  the  Imamate  to  the  Abbassides  on  the  basis  of  Koran  8,  76  20 
and  who  hired  the  corruptible  al-Jahiz   (d.    255/869)   to  write 
for  them  to  order  the  book  "  Kitab  Imamati  waladi'l-' Abbas." 
(Masudi    VIII,    56.)       The    latter    fact    alone,    which    brings 
the    Rawandiyya    down    to    the    third    century    H.,    suffices 
to    show    that    the    Rawandiyya,     at    least,     chronologically,  25 
extend  far  beyond  the  ill-fated  "  guluww  "  attempt  in  141.     It 
was  only  at  a  later  time  that  the  Rawandiyya  claimed  that  the 
Imamate  had  been  transferred  to  the  Abbassides  by  a  written 
will  of   Abu  Hashim,  the  son  of   Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya 
( .Masudi  VIII,  58),  thus  appearing  as  a  branch  of  the  Keisaniyya.  30 
Bagd.  apparently  holds  the  same  view  on  this  matter  when,  in 
formulating  the  orthodox  doctrine    of   the    Imamate,  he    adds 


(fol.  133a):    Jo 


122  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

<'- 

[70]  (sic)   Jbjoj  J!   J^i'  oSLskj    x^diU! 


Comp.  also  fol.  12a. 
I.  H.  expresses  himself  similarly  Ed.  IV.  9018:  "Another  party 
says:  the  Caliphate  is  only  permissible  in  the  children  of  al- 

5  'Abbas  b.  'Abd  al-Muttalib.  This  is  the  opinion  of  the  Rawan- 
diyya."2 

It  was  only  a  small  group  out  of  this  large  party  which 
cherished  extravagant  ideas  and,  as  the  Muhammedan  theologians 
would  say,  exaggerated  concerning  the  'Abbassides.  This  is 

10  still  evident  from  Tab.'s  statement  III,  418'°,  that  it  was  a  cer- 
tain man  called  Ablak  who  arranged  the  attempt  at  the  deifica- 
tion of  Mansur  and  "called  upon  the  Rawandiyya  to  join  him," 
in  other  words,  used  an  already  existing  party  for  his  special 
purposes.3 

15  The  name  of  the  sect  is  written  abtXij!^  Tab.  ib.,4  I.  H.  and 
others;  *J<X>«)  Bagd.  and  Isfr.,  and  iotXijJj  Suyuti,  7<>V/7»7<. 
263,  which  the  English  translator,  p.  266  note,  unjustifiedly, 
as  will  presently  be  seen,  regards  as  incorrect.  For  it  is  the 
latter  variant,  reflected  as  well  in  the  reading  of  Ed.  Y. 

20  (our  text,  note  9)  and  this  page,  note  2,  which  gives  us 
the  clue  to  the  origin  of  the  sect.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
Rawandiyya  are  unanimously  connected  by  the  Arabic  authors 
with  the  province  of  Khorasan,  which  was,  as  is  well  known, 
the  centre  of  the  Abbasside  propaganda  (Masudi  VI,  54,  Tab. 

•_>5  III,  82,  12915=IAth.  V,  383,  comp.  Abulfeda  II,  13).  A 
locality  by  the  name  of  Rawand,  however,  is  unknown  in  that 
province.  A  place  of  that  name  is  mentioned  by  Yakut  II,  741 
as  being  in  the  vicinity  of  Isbahdn.  Accordingly,  Dozy,  Isl. 
242  and  Weil,  Geschichte  der  Chalifen  II,  38  (the  latter  quotes 


may  refer  to  the  Prophet  01  to  Ali.  The  latter  is  more  prob- 
able, for  Masudi,  too,  tells  us  that  they  made  an  exception  in  the  case 
of  Ali. 

2  Cod.  L.  joJo.UI,  see  later.     Masudi  VI,  26  says  rather  vaguely  : 
"The  Rawandiyya  (maintain)  that  the  Imamate  is  permissible  in  the 
Kureish  only." 

3  The  view  set  forth  in  the  text  is  in  the  main  anticipated  by  de  Sacy 
LVI  f.  who  similarly  takes  Mas'udfs  statement  as  the  point  of  departure. 

4  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  editor  omitted  the  variations  of  this 
name,  which  he  declares  (III,  82,  note  b)  co  be  numerous. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  123 

also  other  views,   note  1)  seek  the  origin  of   this  sect  in  that  [70] 
region.     But  this  view  contradicts  the  express  statements  of  the 
Arabic  sources.      Considering  the  variations  of  the  name  of  this 


sect,  I  am  inclined  to  place  its  origin  in  tXi«-rj  >  a  region  near 
Xisabur,  the  capital  of  Khorasan,  Yakut  II,  891,  comp.  Ltibb  5 
al-L,ubdb  s.  v.,  ^cXi«->>J!  .  This  conjecture  is  raised  to  cer- 
tainty by  the  fact  that  IKhall.  calls  the  very  same  region  <X3«tj 
(No.  34,  in  the  biography  of  ^tXJjIvJt  ,c^t  i-J-?  tX+^-t).  In 
other  words,  tXJ^K  and  cXJ.._>  are  two  various  pronunciations  of 
the  same  name  which  in  Persian  sounded  Revend.1  10 

Aside  from  this  geographical  explanation  of  the  name,  another 
derivation  is  found  which  must  be  discussed  here.  Isfr.  10a, 
speaking  of  the  succession  of  the  Imamate  after  Abu  Hashim, 

remarks  as  follows:  ^jl  Jou  (aLoLoyt  ,5^*^)   o^*^  |»*S  JUs  *j 
^  auojj  J--W*-  (jJ  «-Ut  <X**.  ^  J  (add?  {£*£•  ^-?)  t\4^?  Jl  (*-cibe  15 
(Ms.    ,j.j)   ^1   J^J   ttX5>^   L^J   aJ  (VAwU6  ^1    (strike  out  ^?) 


I  combine  this   statement  with   the   notice 
Makr.  35  lu   (in  his  enumeration  of  the  sects  of  the  Rawafid) 


s 


-Xj 


aur.  adJI  ^Xiojt   tXxc      j     *Lx*J! 


(j*x 

I  do  not  hesitate  to  read 
and  ^<XJj-J  Jt  (instead  of  2ujuj.ji   and 


and,  taking  into  account  their  identity  in  doctrine,  to  regard 
them  as  one. 

Examining  our  material  as  a  whole,  we  are  led  to  believe 
that  there  were  two  sects  of  this  name  :  the  one,  properly  so 
called,  from  Riwand  in  Khorasan  ,  appeared  in  the  time  of  Abil 

1  De  Sacy  LVII  recognized  in  part  this  relation. 


124  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[70]  Muslim  and  professed  the  extravagant  doctrines  set  forth  above  ; 

the  other,  called  so  after  their  founder  or  leader  ar-RAwandi, 

was  a  political  party  for  which  al-Jalm  as  late  as  in  the  third 

century  composed  his  treatise  in  favor  of  the  Abbasside  claims 

5  to  the  Imamate. 

Finally,  attention  may  be  called  to  another  sect  which  stands 
in  a  peculiar  relation  to  the  Rawandiyya.  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that  our  sect  which,  as  can  be'  inferred  from  the  above,  is 
by  no  means  insignificant,  is  mentioned  neither  by  Shahr.  nor 
iolji  nor  Makr.  In  its  stead  we  find  the  Rizamiyya,  credited 
with  exactly  the  same  views,  as  have  been  set  forth  above  as 
those  of  the  Rawandiyya.  And  what  is  even  more  significant,  the 
Baslamiyya  (or  Muslimiyya,  see  p.  119  n.  2),  which  worshipped 
Abu  Muslim  as  a  Divine  incarnation  and  is  counted  among  the 
15  Rawandiyya  (Makr.  353  ult.  ,  —  the  only  passage  in  which  the 
name  occurs—,  Tab.  Ill,  12915  =  IAth.  V,  383;  Bagd.  103b: 

*J.*«wX>  ^a!  £   abcX^j  J!   ^~*  j*«J   .sj^1^   *iUtX$«),  figures  in  the 

other  sources  among  the  Rizamiyya  (p.  118  f.).  It  is  clear  that 
the  two  sects  are  intimately  connected  with  one  another.  One 
•-'o  feels  naturally  inclined  to  take  them  for  one.  The  difference 
in  the  names  and  their  derivations  seem  to  speak  against  their 
identity. 

-  L.  15.     See  p.  10032  ff. 

[71]      71,  I-  1-     A  great  deal  of  confusion  prevails  with  regard  to 

25  the  name  of  this  sectarian.     The  extant  forms  may  be  classified 

as  follows:   ^>J.f  +s.         &JLJI  Ju^  Text  375,  Makr.  3G218 


(quotation),  Shahr.  112,  Bagd.  12a  (promiscue  sr*-^  and 
Isfr.  10a,  Kashi  195";  <^^>\  ^  &JJ?  Jy^  Text  71,  note  1 
(reading  of  L  Br),  Kashi  1881  (parallel  to  195"),  Makr.  quoted 
30  by  van  Vloten,  Worgers  p.  61,  note  8;  ^>J  .JT4"^  cJ"?  *"^  <Xvfr 
^>y^\  (or  Vr^)  Bagd.  97%  Shahr.  112  ult.,  Text  375  (reading 
of  Y)  ;  VT^  <J"?  *^  <^  !sfr-  56b,  Abu'l  Maali  158;  &XM  cW 
^  Text  71,  n.  1  (reading  of  Ed.  Y).  The  name  of 


the    sect   is  written   &o-i.t   Bagd.   97%  Abu'l-Maali    158,   van 

35  Vfoten  in  his  edition  of  Mafdtih  al-1  Uldm,  Leyden  1895,  p.  6; 

JLo^iL!  ib.  as  a  variant,  Makr.  quoted  van  Vloten,    Worgers,  p. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  125 

61,  n.  8,1  Text  7117  (see  note  12).     Very  interesting  in  this  con-  [71] 
nection  is  Makr.'s  notice   quoted   from   a   manuscript    by  van 


.  - 

Vloten,  Worgers  ib.:   O*=U  ^  aJJ!  &*.£.  cLo'l  aujv 

,JJ    OjA^X!    ^J      |V-L«      Ci 


^—~ 

The  notice  is  not  quite  clear,  but  this  much  can  be 


inferred  from  it  that  there  is  both  ^1?  and  i*.  >y  among 
'Abdallah's  ancestors  who  may  be  responsible  for  the  variations 
and  that  the  name  of  the  sect  does  not,  at  least  in  this  case, 
necessarily  conform  with  the  immediate  ancestor  of  the  founder.3  10 

Very  peculiar  is  the  notice  Shahr.  113  that  after  'Abdallah 
b.  Mu'iiwiya's  death  (comp.  Text  71'4)  his  adherents  believed 
that  his  spirit  was  transferred  to  "  Ishak  b.  Zeid  b.  al-Harith 
al-Ansari.  These  are  the  Hdrithiyya  who  permit  forbidden 
things  and  live  the  life  of  one  who  has  no  duties  imposed  on  is 
him"  (comp.  de  Sacy,  II,  593).  It  would  thus  seem  that  the 
Harithiyya  are  not  identical  with  the  Harbiyya  and  represent 
but  a  later  development  of  the  Harbiyya  (or  Kharbiyya).4 

1  Van  Vloten  is  inclined  to  pronounce  the  name  al-Kharibiyya  to  suit 
the  metre.  This  is  scarcely  permissible  considering  that  the  word 
itself  stands  in  the  verse  by  emendation. 

•  The  genealogical  chain  Marta4  —  Thaur  —  Mu'awiya—  al-Harith  —  Mu- 
'awiya  is  found  Wiistenfeld,  Tabellen,  421. 

3  Comp.  Goldziher.  ZDMG.  61,  75  n.  2. 

4  I  have  no  means  to  ascertain  whether  the  followiDg  passages  have 
any  bearing  on  this  sect,  although  several  points  seem  to  suggest  it: 

Beladori,  Fntuh  al-Bulddn,  ed.  de  Goeje,  295  penult.  : 
_j^xJI  xXMtXcc  ..O  ^r^-  ^  (see  variants);  'Abul-Mahasin  .  Leyden 
1855,  I,  397  (anno  147):  ^J  Vr5"  (u***^  ^tX-*"?  ,5**^.)  ^-?    U^J 

^'  •)"—•< 

&AJ!      ^J3       tXJ!       JojlJt  xJU!  JULC    IKhall. 


•r 

No.  19,  p.  30  (biography  of  Ahmad  b.  Hanbal): 

&JJ'    lXx£       .vJ      ^.'^i»        i'     v^vMfJi/0 

u--    .  r—  o     .r~ 

^ 


126  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[71]  According  to  Bagd.  97a,  'Abdallah  adhered  to  the  doctrine  of 
Bayan  that  God  embodies  himself  in  the  prophets  and  the 
Imams,  claiming  that  the  Divine  spirit  went  over  from  Abu 
Hashim  to  him;  comp.  Shahr.  112  penult. 

5  -  L.  4.  On  the  number  of  prayers  see  the  variants  here  and 
Text  37,  n.  3.  17  is  attested  by  most  manuscripts,  Makr.  36216 
(quotation  ffom  I.  H.),  also  in  the  notice  quoted  by  van  Vloten, 
Worgers  ib.  Is  17  (7+10)  a  holy  number?  The  "Greatest 
Name"  is  said  to  consist  of  17  letters,  p.  87S0. 
10  —  L.  6.  The  Sufriyya  (or  Sifriyya,  see  Haarbriicker,  II, 
406)  is  a  very  moderate  Khurijite  sect. 

-  L.  8.     Makr.   quoted   van    Vloten,    Worgers,  ib.  express's 


c- 

himself  similarly  x*Ls?t  aJLxi  ^xs  _  J 
f&J>f^  !yL?j  ^>b   U.     The  words  Shahr.   1131  L« 
loXiLjJj  jvXJt   ~M  /"^r^  U^  (Haarbriicker  170  "aber    der   Mann 

kehrte  nicht  zum  Wissen  und  zur  Religiositat  zuriick  ")  arc 
impossible,  both  as  regards  contents  and  grammatical  form 
(subject  before  verb,  /*^-rJ  ^j°  for  a  single  action).  AY  hat 
Shahr.  meant  to  say  is  most  probably,  judging  by  the  state- 

2oments  of  I.  H.  and  Makr.,*the  exact  reverse  of  it:  that  'Abdal- 
lah did  return  to  (true)  knowledge  and  religion,  and  was  con- 
sequently desei'ted  by  his  followers. 

-  L.  14.     On  'Abdallah  b.  Mu'awiya  see  Text  4515,  Coniin. 
44"  ff.  and  Wellhausen,  Opp.  98  f. 

25  -  L.  19.  The  name  of  this  sect  alternates  between  &!*.*iJ 
and  XJwyfl.i  (see  the  readings  note  15).  The  former  is  also 
found  Abulfeda  II,  388  (lAth.  VIII,  220,  which  is  his  source. 
reads  abwuojJI),  Dictionary  of  Technical  Terms,  p.  1385  (quota- 
tion from  Iji;  eel.  Sorenson  has  iLjwyaiJI).  This  difference 

so  is  of  importance  for  the  understanding  of  the  origin  of  the  sect, 
which  is  controversial;  see  de  Sacy  CLXXXIII,  II  559  ff., 
Wolff,  Drusen  214  ff.  Abulfeda  derives  the  name  from  the 
citadel  Nasariyya  and  places  the  origin  of  the  sect  in  the  year 
270/891.  Nuseiriyya  again  is  interpreted  as  a  term  of  con- 

35  tempt  :  "  little  Christians,"  ZDMG.  Ill,  3C8  note.  On  the  other 
hand,  Guayard,  "Un  grand  maitre  des  Assassins,"  •lour  mil 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  127 

A*!<itique  1877,  I,  p.  349,  derives  the  name  from  a  man  called  [71] 
Muhammed   b.    Xuseir,    an    adherent    of    al-Hasan    al-'Askari 
(died  260),  the  eleventh  Imam  of  the  Imamiyya,  Text  587.     The 
Catechism  of  the  Druzes  considers  the  founder  of  the  Xuseiriyya 
a  man  named  Xuseiri,  Blochet  101.  5 

The  cardinal  point  of  the  Nuseiriyya  doctrine  is  the  deifi- 
cation of  AH.  This  accounts  for  the  fact  that  they  are  con- 
sidered by  I.  H.  an  outgrowth  of  the  Saba'iyya.—  Ali,  they 
believed,  existed  before  the  world  was  created,  Shahr.  144.  To 
the  question  "who  has  created  us  ?  "  the  modern  Nuseiriyya  cate-  10 
chism  gives  the  reply:  "  Ali  ",  ZDMG.  Ill,  302.  In  other  words, 
Ali  is  the  Demiurge,  see  p.  91.  They  believed  in  the  simulta- 
neous incarnation  of  God  in  a  good  and  evil  being  (Shahr.  144, 
Iji  348),  more  exactly,  in  seven  such  successive  incarnations; 
see  the  list  of  the  seven  incarnations,  ZDMG.  Ill,  303;  on  the  is 
number  seven  see  Index  s.v.  Seven.  This  theory  strikingly 
resembles  ash-Shalmagani's  doctrine  of  the  Addad,  p.  116°. 
Muhammed  was  All's  apostle  and  was  sent  to  bring  mankind  to 
his  recognition,  ZDMG.  Ill,  302. 

The  Xuseiriyya  are  closely  related  to  the  Ishakiyya  (p.  10213).  20 
They  are  mentioned  together,  Shahr.  143,  Iji  21,  348.     Yakut 
III,  275,  appears  to  identify  them.     He    says    briefly  of   ash- 


Shorta,  a  district  near  Wasit,  XJ*^"  aUJsL^t  Lg-X$"  L^Jje!  . 


72,1.1.     Instead    of     "army"    read    "district."     JuL=».  ,  pi.  [72] 

t,  originally  "army  district,"  became  afterwards  a  pure  25 
geographical  designation.  The  Jordan  district  with  Tiberias 
a-  capital  corresponds  to  the  Roman  province  Palestina  Secunda 
(Prof.  Xoldeke  in  a  private  communication).  —  I  have  found  no 
reference  to  this  occupation  of  Palestine  by  the  Nuseiriyva 
outside  of  I.  II.  30 

-  L.  2  ff.     Yakut  probably  refers  to  the  same  fact  when  he 

says,  referring  to  them  (II,  338,  sub  voce 


.  —  The  reason  for  their  hatred   of   Fatima  and 
her  children  lies  probably  in  their  conception  of  Ali  as  Divine 
being,  who,  as  such,  can  have  neither  wife  nor  children.     Abu'laa 
Maali    158    enumerates   among   the  Galiya  a    sect   Azdariyya: 
"  They  say  that  he  who  was  the  father  of  Hasan  and  Husein  was 


128  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

not  the  (real)  All.     He  was  rather  a  man  called  All  al-Azdari. 

But   the   AH  who  is  an   Imam  has   no   children,   as  he  is  the 

Creator."     I.  H.'s  statement  contradicts  the  assertion  of  Shahr. 

1445  (comp.  Haarbrucker  II,  413),  Iji  21,  348,  see  de  Sacy  II, 
5  559,  that  the  Nuseiriyya  (and  Ishakiyya)  worshipped  the  chil- 

dren of  Ali  as  well.     The  modern  Nuseiriyya  catechism  (ZDMG. 

Ill,  305)  also  recognizes  this  relationship  of  Ali  in  his  capacity 

as  man. 

-  L.  8.     This  is  a  reflex  of  the  belief  in  Docetism,  p.  30. 
10        -  L.  13.     In  his  polemic  against  the  Saba'iyya,  who  believe 

that  a  devil  was  killed  in  Ali's  stead,  Isfr.  56a  uses  the  same 

^  o 

argument!  .j-rtj  Ljl  n*  >M  \^o  j*-^-*  .•^  &Xxi  1^5  jJ!  , 


««*.         jj 

[73]      73,  note  2.     The  addition  in  L.  Br  is  characteristic  of  I.  H.'s 
15  Zahirite  standpoint. 

-  L.  3.     See  Text  p.  34"  and  Comm.  p.  13"  ff. 

-  L.  4.     The  words  enclosed  in  quotation  marks  make  the 
impression  of   a  citation  from  some   Sufi    author.     Perhaps    it 
would  have  been   more    correct  to  translate   (jiflJU   as  "one": 

20  "one  of  them  adds." 

-  L.  6  f  .     The  name  of  this  Sufi  is  Abu  Sa'id  Abu'l-Kheir, 
as  I.  H.   expressly.  states,   with    two  kunyas   joined   together; 
de  Sacy,  Journal   des   Savants    1821,  p.   725   gives   the    same 
form  of   the  name.     Browne,  A.  Literary  History  of  Persia,, 

25  New  York  1906,  writes  consistently  Abu  Sa'id  bnu  Abi'l-Kheir 
(see  passages  in  his  index).  The  same  Dozy,  Isl.  320,  Gold- 
ziher,  Abhandlungen  zur  arabischen  Philologie  I,  186,  note  3 
(from  Ibn  Abi  Useibi'a,  ed.  Milller  II,  917). 

Abu  Sa'id  was  born  December  7,  967  and  died  January  12, 

30  1049.  He  was  a  contemporary  of  Avicenna  (980-1037)  —  he  is 
said  to  have  been  his  friend,  Goldziher,  ibidem1  —  and  consequently 
of  I.  H.  (Text  73").  According  to  Dozy,  however,  ib.  (  =  Kre- 
mer,  Ideen,  p.  66),  he  founded  a  monastery  (Khankah)  in 
Khorasan  as  early  as  in  the  year  200/815.  But  the  date  is  no 

35  doubt  incorrect. 

The  Sufis  regard  him  as  the  originator  of  their  doctrine.     De 
Sacy  ib.  thinks  that  this  is  unhistorical. 

1  He  is  buried  by  his  side,  in   Hamadan.     See  the  picture  of  their 
tombs  in  Jackson,  Persia  Past  and  Present  ;New  York  1906),  p.  167. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  129 

Abu  Sa'id  was  a  famous  Ruba'i  poet,  Browne,  ib.  261    if.  [73] 
Even  now  his  Rubu'is  are  believed   to    have  a  magic    power. 
They  are  recited  a  certain  definite  number  of  times  as  prayers 
for  forgiveness  of  sins,  for  rain,  etc.1 

On  his  spiritual  conception  of  the  religious  obligations  comp.   5 
Browne,  ib.  p.  268. 

-  L.  9.      On  the  prohibition  of  silk  see  Hughes,  Dictionary 
of  Islam,  sub  voce  Dress. 


-  L.  21  ff.     The  belief  in  a  written  will  (o^i)  of  the  Prophet 
bequeathing  the  Imamate  to  Ali  is  the  cardinal   tenet   of  the  10 
Imamites  in  contradistinction  from  the  Zeidites;  see  Introduc- 
tion p.   22,  Shahr.  122  ff.,  Iji  353,  Makr.  351,  IKhald.  I,  356. 
On  the  reflex  of  this  struggle  in  the  Hadith  see  Goldziher,  Muh. 
St.  II,  115  ff. 

74,  1.  4.      On  the  name  Rawafid  see  Appendix  A.  is 

-  L.  9.     On  Zeid  see  Shahr.  116.     He  was  a  pupil  of  Wasil 
b.  'Ata,  the  founder  of  the  Mu'tazila. 

-  L.  13.     See  p.  22. 

-  L.  15.     Ali's  voluntary  concession  of  the  Imamate  to  the 
three  first  Caliphs  is  taught,  according  to  Shahr.  1213,  by  these 
Salihiyya,  the  adherents  of  al-Hasan  b.  Salih  (p.  130  f.),  and  the 
Butriyya,  the  followers  of  a  certain  al-Abtar.     Bagd.  10a  applies 
the  name  Butriyya  to  both  sects.     They  accordingly  considered 
Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar  legitimate  Imams.     Suleiman  b.  Jarir  (p.. 
1367  ff.)  agreed  with  them  on  this  point,  but  differed  from  them  25 
regarding   'Othman.     Suleiman  declared  him  an  infidel,  while 
the    others    reserved    their   opinion    concerning   him    (Shahr., 
Bagd).—  Kashi    152    applies   the    appellation    Butriyya    to  the 
adherents  of  several  men  who  held  the  same  views  on  the  Imamate. 
Al-Abtar,  however,  is  not  mentioned  by  him2: 

3  (sic)       ^    (sic)    ^   ^   .JLo  ^j~? 


1  Zhukovski  in  the  Memoires  (Zapiski)  of  the  Oriental  Department  of 
the  Russian  Archeological  Society,  XIII  (1900),  p.  145. 
'-'  See  following  note. 
3  Of.  p.  13030. — Makr.  352"  curiously  connects  the  two  men  xjyAAJt 


VOL.  xxix.  9 


t 


130  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

[74]  (sic)  p:\j   J^^  (j-r   JU-Lwj   S-^y^  ^J-?   p^*^  aUa-a^     j!  ^j! 
bYj  ^jf  1^0  ^  JJt  ^  iMjolf  (sic)  vs*jLj 


5 

-  Note  6.  The  word  xJLixi  in  the  sense  required  here  is 
not  found  in  the  dictionaries.  It  obviously  stands  here  for 
"heterodox  viewer  belief,  heresy."1  The  word  is  frequently 
found  in  the  kindred  literature.  Thus  I.  H.  at  the  very  begin- 
loning  of  his  Milal  Ed.  I,  I17  says:  The  previous  writers  on  the 
same  subject  omitted  "many  of  the  strongest  objections  of  the 

y 
adherents  of,  makalat,  heterodox  views."     IV,  188"°l  oi*J  *$£ 


*+?>•  ^-f  "It  has  been  mentioned 
by  some  (or  one)  of  the  compilers  of  the  heterodox  views  of 
15.  those  who  (wrongly)    consider   themselves   Muslims."     Comp. 
also  IV,  1893;  III,  23*  and  often.      Shahr.  uses  the  word  in  the 


same  sense:  I5;  60l  cyu  ^a  ^^ftA^fl^  the  heresiologists, 
(Haji  Khalfa  VI,  117,  118  ^UiJ!  v^O-  Masudi  V,  473 
similarly  refers  to  the  cu^Lft+Jt  ^.'if  Ax^ix>.  His  well-known, 

20  unfortunately  lost,  work  bore  the  title  ^  >c^Uu.M  ^3  v»jLxX3! 
v^LiUtXJ!  u^o!  .  It  appears  from  this  as  well  as  from  Ed.  I, 
I4  and  Shahr.  2'8  that  «i?^Lax>  is  contrasted  with  ci>liLi> 
"the  religious  (and  legitimate)  views." 

-  L.  19.     See  Text  306,  75s.  —  The  name  of  this  theologian 

25  is  subject  to  a  great  many  variations.     It  appears   most    fre- 

quently in  the  form  ^s»  ^>  ^•^A°  ^-?  ^*^'  ,  the  latter  name 

also  in  the  form  of  /«*^  variously  pointed  as  /C^T*"'  ($+^  an(^ 

^•^  I  see  the  readings  Text  30,  note  2;  79  n.  1;  lAth.  in  the 

index  ;  Masudi  V,  474  and  VI,  24  (comp.  p.  490  ;  the  editors  make 

so  of  it  (5*=£)',  Kashi  152"  (sic)  ^  ^        ^°  (J-?  c^**^'-  —  I.  H. 


1  Freytag  records  a  slightly  similar  significance  of  the  word  from  Golius: 
opinio,  sententia." 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  131 

calls  him  -promiscue  al-Hasan  b.  Salih  (b.  Hayy),  Text  307,  7419  [74] 
(note  10),  75  n.  1,  and  al-Hasan  b.  Hayy,  7423>26,  75",  7913.     This 
peculiar  circumstance  is  rendered  intelligible  by  the  fact  that 
Hayy  or,  more  exactly,  Hayyan  is  identical  with  Salih;  see  Tab. 
Ill,  251612,  2517s  (and  notes),  Wustenfeld,  Tabellen  911.     Fihr.  *> 
178'°,  however,  calls  his  father  Salih  bnu  Hayy. 

Al-Hasan,  with  the  Kunya  Abu  'Abdallah,  was  a  member  of 
the  Thaur  Hamdan  (Bagd.  10;v,  comp.  Isfr.  9a,  1.  S).1  His 
daughter  was  married  to  'Isa,  the  son  of  Zeid  b.  Ali,  the 
founder  of  the  Zeidiyya.  Together  with  his  son-in-law,  who  10 
was  pursued  by  the  Caliph  Mahdi,  he  was  compelled  to  hide  in 
Kufa  for  seven  years.  He  died  in  the  same  city;  the  year  of 
his  death  is  variously  given  as  167,  168  and  169;  see  Wusten- 
feld, Register,  sub  voce,  Tab.  ib.,  Fihr.  ib.,  Dahabi,  Huffaz 
V,  45.  He  was  famous  for  his  piety,  see  especially  Dahabi.  15 
Muslim  iu  his  ftahih  quotes  him  as  Rawi,  while  Bukhari  men- 
tions him  honorably,  Bagd.  10a  (comp.  Isfr.  9a)  :  «•-  »-=!»•!  Jjj 


-  sLsoJI    oyc-u'    ,-vJ  c*.-     «-  * 


JLs  aJXl 


-          s  a. 


20 


«A*u      U-vu     VC^x).     *—>J-2»-    ,->•?     v»-wu      «»,*»<       _«  ^S*    ..vJ 


...      ».x>  yc«    jo. 

I.  H.'s  account  on  al-Hasan's  views  flagrantly  contradicts  the 
statements  of  the  other  sources.  The  latter  generally  count 
him  among  the  Zeidiyya,  who  confine  the  Imamate  to  the  25 
descendants  of  AH  or,  still  narrower,  to  those  of  Fatima  (see 
later  p.  1321'  ff.),  Shahr.  121,  Bagd.,  Isfr.  ;  IKot.  301  counts  him, 
more  vaguely,  among  the  Shi'a.  Fihr.  17820,  who  mentions  him 


among  the  SbtXjyJt  autxxiJ!  ^L*.^  registers  a  book  of  his  entitled 
"A  book  on  the  Imamate  of  the  descendants  of  Ali  by  Fatima."2  30 

1  The  South  -Arabic  tribe  Hamdan  in  'Irak  adhered  to  the  Alides, 
Kremer,  Cidturgeschichte  unter  den  Chalifen,  II,  144. 

4  The  editors  (note  16)  bring  al-Hasan  b.  Salih  in  connection  with  the 
Mu'tazilite  sect  Salihiyya,  Iji  3402,  comp.  Shahr.  107.  This  assumption 
is  inadmissible.  Our  al-Hasan  is  rather  connected  with  the  Salihiyya 
among  the  Shiites,  Shahr.  120  and  the  Buteiriyya,  Iji  353.  Comp. 
Masudi  V,  474  and  Comm.  p.  129"  ff. 


132  I.  Friedlqender,  [1908. 

[74]      In  contradiction  to   all   these  authors,   I.  H.   insists  that  al- 

Hasan  shared  the  orthodox  view  which  admits  the  Imamate  "  in 

all  the  descendants  of  Fihr  b.  Malik,"  i.  e.,  the  Kureish  (comp. 

Wtistenfeld,  Tabellen  O11).     One  might  feel  inclined  to  charge 

5  1.  H.  with  the  attempt  to  claim  this  famous  theologian  for  the 

Sunna.     But  it  must  be  remembered  that  I.   H.  quotes  as  his 

authority  an  Imamite.  —  Quite  isolated    is    Masudi's    statement 

(VI,  25)  that  he  went  as  far  as  to  admit  the  Imamate  even  out- 

side the  Kureish. 

10        -  L.'22.     On  Hisham  see  p.  65"  ff. 

-  L.  23.     The  book  is  recorded  Fihr.  175,  Tusy  p.  355,  Xo. 
771 

[75]      75,  1.  4.     This  is  intended  to  show  that  al-Hasan  considered 
even  these  men  legitimate    Imams.     Al-Hasan   was    also  very 
15  mild  in  his  opinion  about  'Othman,  see  p.  12910'27. 

-  L.  8.       I.    H.     stands    quite    alone    with    this    assertion. 
According  to  all  other  authorities,  including  Masudi  V,  474, 
IKhald.  I,  357,  comp.  Kremer.  Ideen  375,  the  Zeidiyya  restrict 
the  Imamate  to  the  descendants  of  Fdtima.     The  Keisaniyya 

20  are  thus  excluded.     See  Introduction,  p.  23  and  Comm.  p.  35. 

-  L.  9.     Comp.   IKhald.   ib.     The    Zeidiyya    recognize    the 
Imamate  of  every  descendant  of  Fatima  j»L«Y!  ^j«Xj  ^j!  ic»x!*:» 


-  Note  6.     Instead  of   the  enigmatic  words    of   Ed. 
_U.AA**.)!  J-w  I  would  suggest   (although  with  some  hesita- 

UJ  •* 

tion)  to  read  aut/ov_d**wwJi  JJL  V^  "and  the  love  of  unsheath- 

ing the  sword  is  in  him." 

-  L.  14.     According  to  IKhald.  I,  356,  the  Imamiyya  claim 
a  written  will  of  AH  in  favor  of  Fatima's  sons. 

so  -L.  20-21.  Similarly  Shahr.  12410:  "They  (the  Imamiyya) 
agree  as  to  the  transfer  of  the  Imamate  down  to  Ja'far  b. 
Muhammed  as-Sadik.  They  disagree  as  to  the  person  he 
appointed  (Imam)  by  a  written  will  after  him."  See  Text  76s 
and  Comm.  p.  104"  ff. 

35       —  L.  22.     On  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam.  see  p.  6511  ff. 

-  Ibidem.     On  Hisham  b.  Sail  in  al-Juwaliki  see  Shahr.  141. 
See  also  Fihr.  17724,  note   20,  Tusy  p.   356,  No.    772,   Kashi 
181  ff.  —  On  his  anthropomorphistic  doctrine  comp.  p.  66". 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  133 

-  L.  23.     On  Dawud  al-Hawari  see  p.  67"  ff.  [75] 

-  Ibidem.     On  Dawud  b.  Kathir  ar-Rakki,  from  Rakka  in 
Babylonia,  see  Kashi  256  f.     Tusy  Xo.  281,  p.  131  designates 
him  as  "  weak,"  because  the  "  Gulat "  quote  him  as  authority  for 
their  traditions.     Kashi  257  defends  him  against  this  charge.  5 
He  is  said  to  have  died  about  200h,  Tusy  ib.,  comp.  Kashi  ib. 

-  Ibidem.      'AH  b.  Mansur  is  enumerated  Shahr.  145  among 
the  writers  of  the  Shi'a.     Masudi  VI,  369  calls  him  an  Imamite 
and  a  follower  of  Hisham  b.   al-Hakam.     He  is  mentioned  in 
connection  with  the  latter,  Kashi  165  ult.     See  also  below  1.  22. 10 

-  Ibidem.      On  'Ali  b.  Mitham  see  p.  606  ff. 

-  L.  24.      On  ash-Shakkak  see  p.  6614  ff. 

-  L.  25.     On  Sheitan  at-Tak  see  p.  59. 

-  L.  26.     Abu  Malik  al-Hadrami  is  mentioned  Bagd.  21b  in 
connection    with    Ali    b.    Mitham,    both    being    styled    ^^.xXuis 
(jfl.iU.jl.      Filii'.  177"  counts  him  among  the  dogmatists  of  the 

Shi'a  (&&-uiJt  +k&A  ^J"*)-1  Contrary  to  this,  and  no  doubt 
incorrectly,  Masudi  VI,  369  designates  him  as  a  radical  Khari- 
jite.— He  took  part,  together  with  most  of  the  other  men  men- 
tioned in  our  text,  in  the  famous  discussion  before  the  Barmekide  20 
Vizier  Yahya,  Masudi  ib. ;  comp.  on  this  discussion  Kashi 
167  ff. — Abu  Malik  is  mentioned,  together  with  Ali  b.  Mansur 
(see  above  1.  7),  Kashi  179  ult.  They  both  belonged  to  Ja'far's 
circle.  They  outlived  Ja'far,  ib. 

76,  1.  3  and  note  1.       According  to  most  authorities  (quoted  25 
Comm.   p.   1927  f.),  Isma'il  died  before  his    father    (five  years,  [76] 
Blochet    51).     The    Isma'iliyya    remove    this  difficulty  by  the 
assumption  that  Ja'far  purposely  spread  the  rumor  about  his 
death  so  as  to  save  his  life.     See  the  story  told  Shahr.  146. 

-  L.  4.     These  are  the  Karmatians.     See   on  these  Comm.  30 
p.  1932  and  p.  79s. 

-  L.  7.     These  are  the  Ithna'ashariyya,  see  p.  7825 

-  L.  10  ff.     See  on  this  passage  Text  p.  48  and  Comm.  52  ff. 


.  dUL».>o    ^j|  which  follows  immediately  is  most  prob- 

ably a  dittography  from  the  next  line.  The  editors  identify  this  name 
with  Abu  Malik.  The  difference  in  the  Kunya  (Abu  Malik  and  Abu 
'Abdallah)  as  well  as  in  the  Nisba  (al-Hadrami  and  al-Isfahani)  speak 
decidedly  against  this  conjecture. 


134  I.  Friedlciender,  [1908. 

[76]  -  L.  20.  On  the  contest  about  the  inheritance  see  the 
allusive  statement  Shahr.  129  and  a  more  elaborate  account 
IBab.,  Ithbat  41  penult.  It  is  natural  that  Ja'far  gets  the 
worst  of  it. 


5      77,  note  3.     I  prefer  the  reading  of  L.  Br     gj  y+£.  "People 

[77]  sneered  at  her."     See  on  this  expression    Goldziher,  Mult.    St. 

II,  143  ult.  and  note  7.     The  nature  of  the  accusation  is  not 

quite   clear.     Did   she   become  the   concubine   of   al-Hasan    b. 

Ja'far? 
10        -  L.  5.     I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  reference  to  this 

Katib.  —  The  details  set  forth  here  are  not  found  elsewhere. 
—  L.  8.     In    the    time    of    Abu'l    Maali    (wrote  about    4851') 

people  made  pilgrimages  to  the  cellar  (sardab)  in  which  he  was 

said  to  have  disappeared,  .  Blochet    155.     Even  as  late  as  Ibn 
isKhaldun  a  peculiar  ceremony  connected  with   this    cellar  was 

still  in  vogue.     Comp.  the  interesting  passage,  IKhald.  I,  359. 

-  Ibidem  (comp.  note  7).     The  same  number  of  years  (180) 
also  Ed.  IV,  966. 

-  L.  10.     On  Mukhtar    see    p.    7917.  —  On    Keisan    and  the 
2oKeisaniyya  p.  33  ff. 

-  L.  13.     Muhammed  b.   Isrna'il  as-Sayyid  al-Himyari  was 
born  105/723  and  died  173/789,  Brokelmann   I,  83.     To  the 
sources  quoted  by  Brockelmann  add  the  biography  in  Dahabi's 
Tcfrtkh  al-Isldm    (Ms.  of    Strassburg  University  Library,  not 

25  paginated),  which  is  in  part  closely  related  to  that  given  in 
Faw<'it  a  I-  Wafciydt  I,  24.  —  On  as-Sayyid  comp.  also  the  index 
to  this  treatise. 

-  L.  14.     Kuthayyir  'Azza,  so  called  because  of  his  love  to 
'Azza,  a  girl   of   the  Khuza'a  tribe,  died  in  105,  the  year  in 

so  which  as-Sayyid  was  born,  Brockelmann  I,  48.  ' 
[78]      78,  note  2.     The    drift    of   this    anecdote    is    probably    this, 
that,  as  no  decent  man  shared  the  views  of  as-Sayyid,  he  could 
only  point  to  a  cobbler  in  Ray  as  his  associate  in  doctrine. 

1  The  remark  in  Agh.    Tables  p.   395"  s.v.  ^._x+-Lt  jJ.**J!  I    "  loue 

par  Kutayyir"  is,  of  course,  a  misunderstanding.  The  passage  referred 
to  (Agh.  VIII,  32)  merely  states  that  the  verses  quoted  there  in  the  name 
of  Kuthayyir  are  ascribed  by  others  to  as-Sayyid.  Comp.  Agh.  VII,  7. 


Vol.  xxix.]         T7ie  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  135 

-  L.  4.     The  accusation  of  forgery,  which  is  certainly  more  [78] 
justified  than  the  reciprocal  charge  of  "  tabdil  "  (see  p.  61  f.),  is 
often  made  against  the  Shiites,  see  Goldziher,  Muh.  St.  II,  111. 
lAth.  (VIII,  21)  puts  it  forcibly  as  well  as  briefly:   "  When  the 
enemies  of  Islam  gave  up  the  hope  to  uproot  it  by  force  they  5 
took  to  inventing  false  traditions."     The  Rawafid  are  on  this 
score  brought  in  comparison  with  the  Jews  and  this  comparison 

is  put  into  the  mouth  of  ash-Sha'bi  (d.  103),  Ikd  269  (in  a 
briefer  form,  also  in  the  name  of  ash-Sha'bi,  Isfr.  15"),  see 
p.  1916.  Ash-Sha'bi,  of  course,  is  not  responsible  for  thisio 
invidious  comparison.  The  Sunnites  in  protesting  against  the 
Shiitic  forgeries  found  no  better  spokesman  than  ash-Sha'bi, 
who  was  revered  by  the  Sunna  and  at  the  same  time  known  as 
a  Shiite.  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that,  according  to  Isfr. 
70^  penult.,  th'e  tertium  comparationis  in  the  analogy  between  is 
the  Rawafid  and  the  Jews  is  not  the  forgery  of  traditions  but 
"  tashbih,"  the  anthropomorphistic  conception  of  God.  The 
Shiites.  incline  towards  "tashblh"  (see,  e.  g.,  p.  667)  and  the 
latter  is  regarded  as  characteristic  of  Judaism  by  the  Muham- 
medan  theologians.  [Cf.  Kauffmann,  Attributenlehre  81.]  20 

The  Sunnites  answer  the  Shiitic  forgeries  with  forgeries  of 
their  own  which  are  directed  against  their  opponents  (Gold- 
ziher, Muh.  St.  II,  117  ff.  A  few  instances  can  be  found  Isfr. 
15&  f.  Some  of  them  are  rather  clumsy.  Thus  the  Prophet  is 
reported  to  have  ordered  AH  to  kill  the  Rawafid.  [See  p.  143  ult.  ]  25 

-  L.  G.     In  the  expositions  following  in  Ed.,  I.  H.  endeavors 
to  refute  the  Shiitic  view  that  the  Imamate  is  admissible  only 
in  the  descendants  of  Ali.     His  expositions,  however,  are  of  a 
theological  nature   and    do    not    offer    any  historical    material. 


The  author  very  cleverly  points  out  that  the  hadith    -xx>  oo!  so 


_.o  V  &jf  V£  (g*jA  ^JJQ  (Jj)'-*0  *-M-*-?  which  is  a  stand- 
ing argument  of  the  Shiites — it  is  at  the  same  time  binding  for 
the  Sunnites  as  being  recorded  in  the  two  Sahihs  (Nawawi, 
Tahdib  438)— proves  nothing  in  favor  of  Ali,  as  Joshua,  and 
not  Aron,  was  the  successor  of  Moses.  35 

1  Comp.  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  50,  119.    See  Comm.  p.  4829. 


136  I.  f}-iedlaender,  The  Shiites,  etc.  [1908. 


• 
[78]        -  L.  10.     J^i+'J  here   and   in    the    passages  quoted  Comm. 

p.  730  and  9s"  obviously  means  "Synopsis."     This  meaning  of 
the  word  is  not  recorded  in  the  dictionaries. 

w   ' 

-  L.  17.     Read  vLw  (misprint). 


5      79,  1.  3.     Read  ^A^u-JI  "who    caused"   (Xoldeke)  ;   correct 
[79] 

accordingly  Text  805. 

-  L.  12.     This  is  the  opinion  of  Suleiman  b.  Jarir  (see  1.  21). 
Comp.  Shahr.   119:   "The  nation  committed  ...  a  sin  which 
does  not  reach  the  degree  of   impiety."     See    Iji    3o:>,    Mnkr. 

10  352"  (ft*"-*'  instead  of   ^jU^Lu),  Masudi  V,  -474.     His  party 
is  called  Jaririyya1  ;  Isfr.  7"  calls  it  Suleimaniyya. 

-  L.  13.      On  al-Hasan  b.  Hayy  see  p.  130  f. 

-  L.  18.     This  is  the  view  of  the  Jarudiyya,'  see  p.  2220  ff. 

-  L.  20.     Comp.  a   similar    utterance    Ed.   I,   412    (directed 
isagainst   the    Apostles):    "It   is    not    permitted   to    believe    an 

apostate  nor  to  receive  (true)  religion  from  an  apostate." 

-  L.  21.     On  at-Tammar  see  p.  GO"  f. 
[80]      80,  1.  2.       On  Abu  Kamil  see  p.  76"  f. 

-  L.  7.       See  Text  56  5  ff. 

1  Comp.  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  61,  75  n.  2. 


CORRECTIONS. 

Introduction,  p.  13  1.  3  from  below :  Joseph  is  oversight  for  Samuel. 

Comm.  p.  15,  n.  3.  Al-Warrak  is  probably  identical  with  Abu  'Isa 
Muhammed  b.  Harun  al-Warrak,  of  Bagdad,  quoted  by  Mas'udi,  Mnruj 
VII,  236. 

—Page  78  1.  15.     Comp.  also  IKot.  p.  106:  ,jiaxJ!  *+&£  . 


APPENDIX  A. 

The  term  " 


THE  term.  Rawdji.d  which  figures  so  conspicuously  in  the 
literature  bearing  on  Shiisni  as  well  as  in  the  texts  of  Ibn 
Hazm  can  lay  claim  to  a  long  and  eventful  history.  The  word 
lias  undergone  numerous  changes  and  modifications  which  are 
sometimes  of  so  fluctuating  a  nature  as  to  defy  all  exact  defini- 
tions. In  the  following  an  attempt  is  made  —  for  it  cannot  be 
more  than  an  attempt  —  to  trace  the  principal  stages  in  this 
development  and  to  classify  the  various,  sometimes  contradic- 
tory applications  of  this  word. 

Rawdfid,  in  the  collective  singular  Rafida*  occasionally 
A.rfa«r  and  Rdfidtin^  in  the  singular  RCijidl,'  originally  signi- 
fies "an  army,  or  a  military  force  .  .  .  which  has  deserted  its 
leader"  (Lane),  in  other  words  "deserters,"  or  "traitors." 
It  is  obviously  meant  as  a  nickname,  more  exactly,  an  abusive 
nickname,  a  nomen  odiosum."  Its  application,  in  consequence, 

1  The  abbreviations  under  which  the  sources  are  quoted  in  this  appen- 
dix are  the  same  as  in  the  body  of  the  article. 

2  The  form  *>Aj>  which  may  only  represent  a  different  spelling  of 

aLwiiU  is  quoted  by  Goldziher,  ZDMG,  36,  281,  n.  1,  and  Shi1  a,  p.  5116. 
Another  example  is  recorded  by  Dozy  sub  voce  (from  Nuweiri). 

3  Comp.  Taj-al-'Arus  (see  Lane  s.v.),  Dozy  s.v.  and  Goldziher,  ZDMG. 
36,  280,  n.  1. 

4  See  p.  140,  n.  3,  and  Comm.  p.  10618,  Goldziher,  Shva  4606.     The  first 
two  examples  occur  in  poetry,  the  third  in  rhymed  prose. 

5  Whether  the  variant  (jidilJI  (Text  63,  n.  2)  represents  an  actual 
usage  or  is  merely  a  scribal  error  is  difficult  to  determine. 

6  Mukaddasi  (p.  36ls)  counts  the  Rawafid.  among  the  sects  which  are 

designated  by  a  nickname:     SwxSX+JI,     (jtdil.^JLs      RxJlX^!      LoLj 
.     The  abusive  nature  of  the  name  is  evident  from 


the   remark  immediately  following:     xJLwJt    J.J&L3    2L&.(XX+4Jt    Lol. 

.  *sJ!  tU^ydt 


138  ,      I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

largely  depends  on  the  mental  attitude  of  the  person  using  it. 
Hence  its  preeminently  polemical  character.  ' 

Historically  the  name  is  connected  with  Zeid,  the  great- 
grandson  of  Ali,  the  originator  of  the  Zeidiyya.  Tabari3  has 
preserved  an  elaborate  account  of  the  incident  to  which  the 
word  owes  its  origin. 

Zeid  b.  Ali  b.  al-Husein  b.  AH  b.  Abi  Tulib  had  been 
encouraged  by  the  people  of  Kufa  to  assert  his  claims  to  the 
throne  of  the  Omeyyads.  Relying  on  their  promises  of  assist- 
ance, he  organizes  in  the  year  122h  an  open  rebellion  which  is 
to  take  place  on  a  prearranged  day  in  Kufa.  The  governor 
Yusuf  b.  'Omar  receives  timely  information  and  takes  energetic 
measures  to  nip  the  rebellion  in  the  bud  by  getting  hold  of  its 
organizer.  In  this  moment  of  danger  the  leaders  of  the  rebel- 
lious Kufiotes,  who  had  always  been  noted  for  their  fickleness 
of  character,  gather  around  Zeid  to  cross-examine  him  as  to  the 
legitimacy  of  the  first  two  Caliphs,  Abu  Bekr  and  'Ornar. 
"Zeid3  said:  'May  Allah  have  mercy  on  them  both  and  grant 
them  forgiveness!  I  have  never  heard  anyone  of  my  family 
repudiating  them4  or  speaking  of  them  otherwise  than  favor- 

1  The  Shiites  never  designate  themselves  as  Rawafid.     According  to 
Mukaddasi  (p.    142,   n.   6),   they  apply  this  word  to  their  opponents. 
As-Sayyid  protests  against  the  affront  implied  in  it  (p.  140,  n.  3).     The 
expression  has,  it  seems,  always  (see,  however,  p.  151,  n.  5)  carried  with 
it  a  derogatory  meaning.     The    term    Mu'tazila,    "  secessionists  "  or 
"schismatics",  affords,  both  as  regards  origin  (see  Shahr.  3311  and  the 
other  sources)  and  subsequent  development,  an  interesting  parallel  to 
Rawafid.     The  Mu'tazila  themselves  prefer  the  designation  Ashdb  (or 
ahl)  al-'adl  wa't-tau-Md  (Shahr.  29  bottom,  cf  .  preceding  note,  and  Zeid. 

Mu'taz.  p.  2).  Bagd.  40",  137"  uses  the  word  polemically  ;  i-s  JJiJI 
/k^f  .»£.  iJyXjL+Jt  while  Zeid.  Mu'taz.,  who  is  himself  a  Mu'tazil- 

ite,  endeavors  to  find  for  the  name  a  different  and  more  complimentary 
derivation. 

2  II,  1698  ff. 

3  Tab.   II,    1699.     We  quote  the  passage  verbatim,   as  it  strikingly 
illustrates  the  fundamental  points  of  difference  between  the  two  most 
important  sections  of  the  Shi'a. 

4  U-g.**  'Y^^-     The  expression  ^A^XwJI  (or  (j^o)    ^£.   ^jxxjf 
is  the  technical  term  in  this  connection.     The  opposite  attitude  is  desig- 


nated as  ^.sEUiJI  ^£.  vXM  .  See  Goldziher,  ZDMG.  36,  280  n.  2, 
Snouck-Hurgronje,  Mekka  I,  33  n.  2,  and  the  references  quoted  in  the 
course  of  this  appendix, 


Vol.  xxix.]        The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  139 

bly.'  They  said:  'Why,  then,  do  you  seek  the  blood  of  this 
family  (the  Omeyyads),  if  they  have  not  (illegally)  seized  upon 
your  throne  and  wrenched  it  from  your  hands?'  He  replied  to 
them  :  '  The  most  I  can  admit  in  the  question  you  are  discuss- 
ing is  that  we  (the  family  of  All)  were  the  worthiest  among 
men  of  the  Prophet's  throne  and  that  the  people  appropriated 
it  in  preference  to  us  and  pushed  us  away  from  it.  Yet,  this, 
in  our  opinion,  does  not  constitute  apostasy  on  their  part. 
They1  were  Caliphs,  they  were  just  in  their  dealings  with  the 
people  and  acted  in  accordance  with  the  Book  and  Tradition.' 
They  said  :  '  If  those  did  not  wrong  you,  then  these  (the  Omey- 
yads) have  not  wronged  you  either.  Why,  'then,  should  you 
call  (us)  to  fight  people  who  are  not  doing  you  any  wrong?' 
He  answered:  'These  here  are  not  the  same  as  those.  These 
here  do  wrong  me  and  you  and  themselves.  For  we  only  call 
you  to  Allah's  Book  and  the  Prophet's  Tradition  (so  that)  the 
traditions  be  revived  and  the  innovations  extinguished.  If  you 
follow  us,  you  will  be  blessed.  If  not,  —  I  am  not  responsible 
for  you  !'  Thereupon  they  withdrew  from  him,  violating  their 
oath  of  allegiance,  and  declared  :  '  the  Imam  has  died  !  '%  hence- 
forward maintaining  that  Abu  Ja'far  Muhammed  b.  Ali,  the 
brother  of  Zeid  b.  Ali,  was  the  (legitimate)  Imam.  The  latter, 
however,  had.  died  in  the  meantime,  but  his  son  Ja'far  b. 
Muhammed  was  alive.  So  they  declared:  'Ja'far  is  now  our 
Imam  after  his  father.  He  is  the  worthiest  of  the  Imamate  after 
his  father.  We  Avill  not  follow  Zeid  b.  Ali,  for  he  is  no  Imam.' 
Zeid  thereupon  called  them  Mdfida.  At  present,3  however,  they 
maintain  that  it  was  al-Mugira  who  called  them  Rafida  at  the 
time  when  they  had  withdrawn  from  him." 

The  last  sentence  is  highly  significant.  The  partisans  of 
Zeid  apparently  repented  their  faithless  action  which  resulted 

1  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar.  It  is  not  clear  whether  'Othman  is  included. 
The  attitude  of  the  Zeidiyya  toward  the  latter  is  vacillating.  See 
Comm.  p.  129-6. 


-  ,»o       l3«*-*w  .     On  this  meaning  of  IO.AAW  see  Tabarl  glossary  sub 
voce  and  compare  the  next  sentence. 

3  *fcA.M  .     Codex  B  omits  it.     The  narrator  was  a  contemporary  of 
Zeid.     See  later  p.  141. 


140  I.  Friedlaen*/,  r,  [1908. 

in  his  pitiful  death.  They  felt  the  scathing  shame  of  having 
been  branded  as  "deserters"  or  "traitors"  by  so  distinguished 
and  pious  a  descendant  of  Ali.  Shrewd  as  they  were,  they  pre- 
tended that  this  name  was  hung  on  them  by  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'id1 
under  whom  they  had  risen  shortly  before  and  from  whom  they 
had  betimes  withdrawn.2  To  have  been  thus  nicknamed  by  so 
rank  a  heretic  constituted,  in  their  opinion,  a  title  of  honor.3 

Tabari's  derivation  of  the  word  from  the  unfortunate  upris- 
ing of  Zeid  b.  Ali  in  122  is  almost  universally  confirmed  by  the 
Arabic  authorities.4  So  all  the  national  lexicographers  (see  the 
quotations  in  Lane  sub  voce)6',  Bagd.  10b  f.6;  Isfr.  9a;  Shahr. 

1  The  text  merely  gives  al-Mugira.     But  if  this  is  to  have  any  mean- 
ing, it  can  only  be  taken  as  referring  to  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'id,  Text  59  f.  , 
Comm.  79.     This  identification  is  also  assumed  in  the  index  to  Tabari. 
Wellhausen,  Opp.  96  n.  1,  substitutes,  without  justification,  the  name  of 
al-Mugira  b.  Shu'ba.     It  is  difficult  to  account  for  his  name  in  this 
connection. 

2  Cf  .  Text  60U. 

3  The  derogatory  character  of  the  word  (comp.  p.  137  n.  6)  is  aptly 
illustrated  by  a  verse  of  as-Sayyid,  Agh.  VII,  17.     The  latter  had  been 
accused  by  the  poet  Saw  war,  in  the  presence  of  the  Caliph  Mansur,  of 
being  a  fanatical  Shiite.     As-Sayyid  replies  to  Sawwar  in  a  scathing 
poem  in  which  he  says  : 


"•  We,  however,  are—  whether  you  like  it  or  not  —  men  who  '  desert  ' 
people  of  error  and  ungodly  works.''  This  apparently  means  :  You  may 
nickname  us  "  deserters."  But  we  are  such  only  because  we  "  desert  " 
Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar  who  disregarded  the  Prophet's  will  and  usurped 
the  Caliphate  rightly  belonging  to  Ali.  See  later  p.  142  f.  Barbier  de 
Meynard,  Journal  Asiatique  1874,  p.  210  misunderstood  the  verse. 

4  A  few  (see  later  p.  142,  n.  6)  add  another  explanation  which  is  no 
doubt  secondary. 

5  Comp.  also  Nawawi  on  Muslim's  Sahih  I,  51. 


Comp.  fol.  If:       jj4JiLcL9>    *..$J    Jli'    ~Z>-    iU3    cXA-C    5,.isLft3 
lv  U-t-*v  LXXx>«.j    'V0}'     Bagd.  winds  up  his  lengthly  account  with 
the  interesting  observation    x.i«_^Jl 


Vol.  xxix.]        The  Heterodoxies  of  the  SMites,  etc.  141 

17,  116;  IKhald.  I,  357;  Makr:  3518  (=de  Sacy  XLYIII,  II,  588)1, 
and  others.  Mukaddasi,  who  records  various  applications  of 
our  term,  distinctly  states2:  "with  the  Zeidiyya  (it  signifies) 
those  who  denied  the  Caliphate  of  Zeid  b.  Ali,  and  this  is  the 
original  meaning." 

It  is  well  known  that  historical  incidents  quoted  by  Muhamme- 
dan  authorities  for  the  purposes  of  philological  interpretation 
cannot  always  be  relied  upon,  as  they  are  not  infrequently  man- 
ufactured for  the  occasion.  But  no  such  scepticism  is  justified 
in  our  case.  Tabari's  report  is  derived  from  AbH  Mikhnaf,  who 
was  a  contemporary  of  Zeid,  lived  in  the  same  city  and  is  the 
best  authority  for  the  early  history  of  Islam,  especially  in 
'Irak.a  Besides,  the  incident  has  every  internal  evidence  in  its 
favor.  Zeid  b.  Ali  was  the  pupil  of  "VVasil  b.  'Ata,  the  founder 
of  the  Mu'tazila.4  Like  the  latter,  he  looked  at  the  problem  of 
the  Imamate  from  a  rational  point  of  view.6  To  Zeid  and  his 
followers  the  Zeidiyya  the  Imamate  was  essentially  a  question 
of  personal  qualification."  They  denied  the  existence  of  a 
written  will7  and,  while  maintaining  the  superiority  of  Ali,  they 
justly  enough  admitted  that  the  first  two  eminently  successful 
Caliphs  were  legitimate  rulers.8  To  Zeid's  opponents  the 
Imamate  was  exclusively  a  question  of  birth.  It  was  heredi- 
tary in  its  very  nature  and  bequeathed  to  Ali  by  the  Prophet. 
Accordingly,  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar  were  usurpers  and,  dis- 
regarding, as  they  did,  the  express  will  of  Allah's  Prophet, 

1  Who  also  quotes  the  other  explanation,  p.  142,  n.  6. 

2  See  p.  142,  n.  6. 

3  See  on  this  historian  Wellhausen,  Das  arabische  Reich,  Preface. 

4  See  Comm.  II36.  5  Comp.  Iji  297.  i 
6  Comp.  Text  759  and  Comm. 

1  Comp.  Introd.  p.  22  and  Text  745. 

b  Makr.  35223  sums  up  Zeid's  standpoint  in  the  words    LJLc 


j  JyUI    *xi      4^    Jo  ^j!  lj*je.     Comp.  the  quotation  in 
Snouck-Hurgronje,  Mekka  I,   33,   n.   2     aj.3'     *x     Udj!     <X>\     ^jo* 

*•"• 


This  view  is  based  on  the  belief  in  the  legitimacy  of  J«,xiA4.Jt  x*Lo£ 
"the  Imamate  of  the  Inferior."  See  on  this  important  point  Shahr. 
116  and  Ibn  Hazm,  Ed.  IV,  163  ff. 


142  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

they  are  to  be  looked  upon  as  apostates.1  Thus  the  "repudia- 
tion of  the  two  Eiders"  became  the  equivalent  and  complement 
of  the  recognition  of  the  claims  of  the  Alids.  It  was  the  pro- 
pelling force  of  all  Shiitic  uprisings  and  it  is  but  natural  that 
the  same  question  formed  the  point  of  issue  between  the  legiti- 
mists of  Kufa  and  the  rationalistic  and  fair-minded  Zeid  at  the 
moment  when  they  were  both  about  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
ruling  dynasty. 

Thus  we  may  consider  it  certain  that  the  word  Rawdfid 
originated  in  Kufa  in  the  year  of  the  Hijra  122,  a  in  connection 
with  the  rebellion  of  Zeid  b.  Ali.3 

The  specific  characteristic  of  the  RaAvafid,  of  those  who 
deserted  Zeid  and  were  termed  by  him  "deserters,"  was  the 
negative  attitude  towards  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar,  and,  in  a  ICSMT 
degi'ee,  of  'Othman  and  the  other  Companions,4  —  an  attitude 
which  was  not  a  mere  theoretic  notion  but  soon  grew  into  vio- 
lent hatred  and  vented  itself  in  the  action  —  believed  to  be 


meritorious  —  of  au^fij!  ^~*  "the  public  denunciation  of  the 
Companions."6  Hence  JKafd  or  Taraffud,  i.  e.  "to  act  as 
Rdfida  "  became  the  designation  for  this  hostile  attitude  toward 
the  "two  Elders"  and  the  Companions,  Itawdfid  and  its  paral- 
lel forms  the  name  of  those  who  maintain  this  attitude/'  Thus 

1  See  Introd.  22  and  Text  79'  8. 

8  Ash-Sha'bi's  (died  103)  reference  to  the  Rafida  (Comm.  p.  19'6)  is  no 
doubt  apocryphal.  This  scathing  criticism  of  the  Rafida  is  attributed 
to  him  purposely  because  he  was  known  to  be  favorably  inclined 
towards  Shiism.  The  sentence  quoted  ibidem  19'20  t>«..2~s  jjiijI.vJt 

kx>^!*StX$0  is  attributed  Isfr.  15"  to  the  Prophet  himself,  whilst  accord- 
ing to  ash-Sha'bi  (see  p.  1443),  the  Rawafid  were  even  worse  than  the  Jews. 
Again,  according  to  Shahr.  9,  the  Prophet  compared  the  Rawafid  with 
the  Christians. 

3  Whether  Zeid  gave  his  opponents  that  name  or  it  was  given  to  them 
by  others  in  connection  with  that  event  is  quite  immaterial  to  us. 

4  Of.  p.  139.  n.  1. 

6  On  "Sabb"  see  Goldziher,  Shi'a  455  ff.  and  ZDMG.  36,  280.  For 
some  very  characteristic  instances  see  Comm.  28.  n.  1  (quotation  from 
Mirza),  424  ff.,  651  ff.  and  Goldziher,  Shi'a  456  middle. 

6  This,  in  our  opinion,  accounts  for  the  additional  explanation  of 
"Rawafid"  as  -4^5  -Jo  I-  1  L^iiv.  as  those  who  deserted  Abu  Bekr 
and  'Omar,  so  Ikd  (cf.  p.  148).  Makrizi  351s,  who  defines  (ib.)  the 


Vol.  xxix.]        The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  143 


Bagd  12b  introduces  with,    the    words   *xi3^   £     -*.*£  JLs^  the 
following  two  .verses  as  characteristic  of   "Rafd": 


Rawafid  as 


J& 


o  _s  j^juo.  auot.  (^+e.  /••*•*?'  <luotes 

explanations:  1)  those  who  "  deserted  the  opinion"  of  Zeid  ;  2)  those 
who  "  deserted  the  opinion"  of  the  Companions  in  electing  Abu  Bekr, 
cf.  de  Sacy  •  XLVIII,  11,588.  —  Very  significant—  although  not  unmistak- 


able —  is  the  remark  Mukaddasi's  (385):    \jo    juiAXcJI    <XLc 

O.,,-     '  •»  vu      f- 

^Jv4JlJI      &i^L=».     LaJ     (j^0     fSfcvA.t     <X^&2      L^      W^i>.      y-^''     f°r 

which  Codex  C  reads  more  elaborately  :      yi.Lj'  jutjuiJ!  JCA£. 


JbJk..5yJ! 


Uj  *>       <  <s 


20!         c  •.AS../)  IcJC.  .       We  are  thus  pi-esented  with  three 

derivations  of  the  name  :  1)  according  to  the  Shiites,  the  name  applies 
to  those  who  gave  the  precedence  to  someone  else  over  Ali  in  the  Cal- 
iphate, i.  e.  who  elected  Abu  Bekr  (and  'Omar)  instead  of  Ali.  2)  Accord- 
ing to  the  Zeidiyya,  it  applies  to  those  who  rejected  Zeid's  Caliphate  (in 
122),  3)  According  to  the  others  (i.  e.  the  Sunnites),  Rawafid  are  those 
who  rejected  the  Caliphate  of  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar.  Historically,  the 
first  and  third  explanation  are  identical  :  they  both  assign  an  earlier  ori- 
gin to  the  name,  deriving  it  from  the  events  following  Muhammed's 
death.  They  are  substantially  identical  with  the  second  explanation 
quoted  by  Makrizi.  The  second  derivation  of  Mukaddasi  assigns  the 
name  to  the  year  122.  This  explanation  is,  according  to  Mukaddasi,  the 
original  one,  while  the  third,  although  the  ordinary  one,  is  apocryphal. 
From  the  expositions  in  the  text  it  will  have  become  obvious  why  the 
latter  explanation  had  become  so  favorite.  From  the  remark  above 
quoted  we  also  learn  the  fact—  otherwise  unknown  —  that  the  Shi'a,  — 
in  this  case  the  Imamiyya,  see  later  p.  158,—  applied  the  same  nickname 
to  their  adversaries.  This  apparently  means  that  the  Rawafid,  smart- 
ing under  the  offence  implied  in  that  term  (comp.  p.  140),  endeavor  to 
explain  it  differently  :  i.  e.  as  those  who  deserted  Ali,  the  opposition  to 
Ali  being  objectionable  even  in  the  eyes  of  many  Sunnites.  —  Another 
example  of  a  polemical  explanation  of  Rawafid  is  found  in  a  hadith 
(apocryphal,  of  course)  quoted  Isfr.  15b  penult:  (sic)  -^  *.£  c«». 


144  I.  Friedlaender,  [1903. 


j!       ..X*'      °e^^       S'iXc     3^       (^AXi;    .•V'0;     O-Jyr1       ,+£•    r 

In    a   dictum    quoted    Isfr.   15a    in    the    name   of   ash-Sha'bi 

G    x 

(d.  103)7  the  Rawafid  are  characterised  thus:    ^\jo      & 


**  !y>L5  ^.jJI    [iob] 

ULai  RxiYl  8cX*  "xt     ».£ 

"These  here  are  Rdfida,  those  opposite  them  are   Suunites 
....  the  Sunnites  are  pleased  with8  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar,  the 

JUb    C-?  ;  =  Mahdl  ?)    ^i    ^jj    ^jj     ^LxJI  ^sJ 
^"J-      The  same  hadith  with 


a  different  isn&d  and  a  few  variations  is  quoted  Goldziher,  Shi'a  444. 
f-   _ 

seems  to  be   more  archaic  than  the  ordinarily  used  form 

Thus,  according  to  al-Asma'i  (died  215,  quoted  Lisdn  sub  voce 
(,  Zeid  was  told  ^x^V.xviJ!  ..y^o  lyjt.       Kdmus  (s.  v. 


says  instead  ^xS\.AA     ..wo    wAJ' . 
4  Arwa  was  'Othman's  mother. 

3  Ms.  LjiA+a*  I    corrected  according  to  Agh.  VII,  24  (see  n.  6). 

4  i.  e.  Abu  Bekr. 

5  sic  ! — "was  proclaimed*." 

6  Agh.  VII,  24"  ascribes  these  two  verses  to  as-Sayyid,  who  is  said  to 
have  uttered  them  with  his  last  breath.     The  second  verse  appears  here 
in  a  considerably  different  form  : 

LuAxu-Jt   ^yo!  Leo  »!j*.£.  ^  eK^**  eJ*1}  V'-F'-  l^Jt'   cJ''0?  • 

The  elimination  of  Abu  Bekr's  and  'Omar's  name  is  certainly  not  acci- 
dental. See  on  Abu'l-Faraj  al-Isfahani's  attitude  towards  Shiism,  and 
especially  towards  as-Sayyid,  Goldziher,  Shi'a  441  f . 

7  See  p.  142,  n.  2.     Although  apocryphal,  the  utterance  illustrates  the 
meaning  attached  to  ' '  Rawafid  "  by  those  who  invented  it. 

Cf • p- 138>  n>  4- 


Vol.  xxix.]        The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  145 

Rafida  denounce  them"  (Dozy  sub  voce  aud3\  from  N"u- 
Aveiri). 

Characteristic  is  the  anecdote  Agh.  XVIII,  594:  the  poet 
Di'bil  (died  246h),  who  is  an  enthusiastic  Shiite,1  denounces  a 
descendant  of  Zubeir,  the  son  of  Safiyya  bint  'Abd  al-Muttalib, 
the  Prophet's  aunt.  The  Kadi  'Amr  b.  Humeid  interposes  on 
the  plea  that  this  is  equal  to  insulting  a  close  relative  of  the 
Prophet.  Di'bil  retorts:  "I  have  never  seen  anyone  more 
stupid  than  thyself,  except  the  one  who  hath  appointed  thee 
....  Thy  mind  can  conceive  that  I  am  a  Rafidi  because  of 
calumniating  Safiyya  the  daughter  of  'Abd  al-Muttalib  ...  Is 
calumniating  Safiyya  a  religious  tenet  of  the  Rafida?"  Di'bil 
shrewdly  implies  that  other  personalities,  far  more  important 
than  Safiyya,  are  the  target  of  the  Rawafid's  hatred. 

Because  of  this  "denunciation  of  the  Companions"  the 
Rawafid  are  nicknamed  "Sabbabun,"  "denouncers."2 

To  realize  the  full  significance  of  this  usage,  we  must  bear  in 
mind  the  fact  so  lucidly  expounded  by  Goldziher,3  that  the  Shi  'a 

1  Cf.  Agh.  XVIII,  29. 

ZDMG.36,  280,  n.l.—  This 


general  aspect  of  our  term  is  to  be  thought  of,  whenever  it  is  found  dif- 
ficult to  assign  it  to  any  of  the  more  definitely  circumscribed  categories 
to  be  mentioned  in  the  course  of  this  article.  —  Mukaddasi  affords  us  two 
interesting  examples  derived  from  his  personal  experience.  While 
travelling  in  'Irak,  where  there  are  "Galiya,  exaggerating  their  love 
for  Mu'awiya"  (p.  126,  1.  14  and  note  m;  cf.  Comm.  128J,  our  author 
hears  in  the  principal  mosque  of  Wasit  a  man  reciting  a  hadtth  (forged, 
of  course)  in  favor  of  Mu'awiya.  He  remonstrates.  The  man  shouts 

V3  ^(    ft     fj^jc    f.tX~>    and  the  mob  advances  to  attack  him  (p.  126;. 

Similarly,  in  Ispahan,  which  is  equally  distinguished  by  its  "  Guluww 
for  Mu'awiya  "  (cf  .  also  Goldziher,  Shi'a  495,  n.  3)  the  author  protests 
against  a  man  who  denounces  AH  and  is  angrily  pointed  at  as 

x 

o 


-x 
(p.  39913).     This  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  "  orthodoxi  fana- 


tici  cjaj\\  vocant  quoque  orthodox  os  moderates  "  (Glossary  to  Mukad- 
dasi s.v.  (jojy)  ,  but  simply  means  that  the  people  seeing  that  he 
objects  to  Mu'awiya  or  that  he  defends  Ali.  think  that  he  is  a  "  repudia- 
tor"  of  the  Companions.  In  point  of  fact,  Mukaddasi  is  very  favorably 
inclined  toward  the  Zeidiyya  (see  p.  158). 

3ZDMG.  36,  280  f.,  50,  111  f.,  Shi'a  460  ff.,  Muh.  St.  II,   110  f.     Cf. 
Snouck-Hurgronje.  Mekka  I,  33. 
VOL.  xxix.  10 


146  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

but  slowly  and  gradually  developed  into  an  independent  relig- 
ious organism  and  at  first  represented  rather  a  different  current 
within  Islam  than  a  separate  sect.  Shiism  (Tashayyu1)  in  itself, 
i.  e.  attachment  to  Ali  and  the  Alidic  family,  is,  from  the  Sun- 
nitic  point  of  view,  by  no  means  objectionable,  nay,  is  even 
commendable  ;  the  word  Shi^a  in  itself  does  not  imply  any 
heresy.1  It  does  become  objectionable  when  the  attachment  to 
Ali  is  coupled  with  the  denunciation  of  the  Companions,  in  the 
first  place  of  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar.2  Hence,  even  in  later  times, 
Rawdfid  is  frequently  used  side  by  side  with  and  at  the  same 
time  as  distinguished  from  Shi'-a,  the  former  denoting  the  radi- 
cal and  improper  expression  of  Alidic  sympathy,  the  latter  the 
moderate  and  permissible  one.  Thus  Ibn  Hajar  al-'Askelani 


(died    852/1449)    characteristically  says3:    X.Aol_s    5j._J 
4.  jjdijJ!    -3   LAJLC.  StXlj   LiJj   «-Lc.   ^'«   >_>*«    -A.C  ,.».x)  L 
This    differentiation    has    even    found    expression  in  a    hadith, 
quoted  Isfr.  16a:    <^^   ^    *^   al-'l    ^^    -+£  (sic)  \j«*  g))) 

aJJ! 


-Xj  U 


JUi   '^j 

xx*4"  (*-g-J  ^^?  V   Jlis    xJJt    vJ^w^     LJ 
U!  ^.^.AXio.     Thus  even  the  partisans  (Shi'a)  of  Ali 


1  S/u'a  443,  n.  3.     Cf.  Snouck-Hurgronje  ib.  32,  n.  1. 

2  Comp.    the    characteristic    utterance    Damiri's  (quoted    Shi'a    ib.) 


AJiAi"    -xc  ..wX!  c>.Ax     Jjc    J.AAOAAJ     ^-fc.-.     LwCi.     t^xio   «A*LXj 

ibL^J!  ,j.xi  tX-^-V  .     See  other  examples  quoted  ib. 

3  ZDMG.  36,  280  n.  2. 

4  Similarly  the  well-known  Shiite  Zurara  b.  A'yun  is  said  to  have  been 

(jalj\  £  ii^UJ!  JoJ  (Makr.  858"). 

5  Ms.  dLoVj  . 

6  Comp.  the  hadith  quoted  at  the  end  of  p.  142,  n.  6. 

1  Comp.  the  hadith  quoted  Goldziher,  Shi'a  44714  :    ^o  ^jt-^-.  <^-t 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  147 

are  sent  to  Paradise,  while  those  partisans  who  cannot  refrain 
from  denouncing  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar1  deserve  extermination.2 
In  consequence,  x^asLJI^  xxxAJ!  for  the  moderate  and  radical 
wing  of  Alidic  sympathizers  is  an  expression  often  to  be  met 
with.  Several  examples  can  be  gleaned  from  the  abundant 
polemical  material  collected  by  Goldziher  in  his  Shi1  a:  453  ult., 
486  1.  6,  511-1.  6,3  512  1.  17  and  penult.  A  further  instance  may  be 
added  from  IKhald.  Ill,  74.  Speaking  of  the  later  Sufis,  Ibn 

1  The  hadith  is  shrewdly  enough  transmitted  through  the  son  of  'Omar. 

'2  Goldziher,  Shi'a  444,  quotes  a  hadith  which  is  obviously  identical 
with  ours.  But  it  is  undoubtedly  expurgated  and  almost  entirely  shorn 
of  its  pro-Alidic  —  one  might  almost  say,  Zeiditic  —  tendency.  The  words 


.      r          c>j   (jf*  are  left  out  an(*  tne 
Prophet's  reply  is  more  in  keeping  with  strict  orthodoxy  : 

oLLwwJI  ^t  .j^xia..}*  viJLo  (j»+l  U-?  •  In  the  latter  form  the 
Prophet  also  protests  against  those  who,  like  the  Zeidiyya,  acknowledge 
Abu  Bekr  and  ;Oniar  but  reject  the  other  Companions. 

3  In  this  passage  the  author  (a  Persian  Shiite  of  the  eleventh  century 
of  the  Hijra)  incidentally  explains  the  origin  of  the  word  aupjL  (or,  as 
he  spells  it,  x^oiv,  cf.  137  n.  2)  in  a  manner  different  from  the  explana- 

tions previously  quoted.     He  says,  Shva  oil1-  ff.  :  -jUCs  Y 


and 

those  who  do  not  defy  their  reason  or  senses  are  truly  and  positively 
aware  that  these  maid  servants  and  male  servants  (of  the  Alids)  and 
the  students  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Prophet's  family  were  nearer  to  the 
latter  (cf  .  Goldziher  ib.  508,  n.  6)  and  better  acquainted  with  their  funda- 
mental and  derivative  principles.  For  the  Prophet's  family  is  best 
aware  of  what  is  in  the  Family.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  they 
(apparently  referring  to  the  people  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  the 
quotation)  were  called  Shi'a  and  Rafida."  Shi'a  —  partisans  of  All. 
RCtJida  seems  to  convey  to  the  author's  mind  an  essentially  positive 
meaning  :  intense  devotion  to  the  Alidic  family,  while  originally  this 
meaning  was  merely  the  complement  of  the  negative  idea:  the  repudi- 
ation of  the  Companions. 


148  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Khaldun    says:    They   exalt   All   above    all    other  Companions 

t  «= 

*A*ujJI  cX2uifr  *x  Ubej    "in   accordance   with   the   beliefs   of 

Shiism,"  shortly  afterwards  remarking:  ^e    ^>^-\uo    *.&    L+J!^ 


S  "This  (the  system  of 

the  Sufis)  is  merely  borrowed  from  the  religious  philosophy  of 
the  Shi^a  and  Rdjida  and  their  doctrines  in  their  writings." 
All  these  examples  are  of  rather  late  origin.2  For  an  earlier 
instance  see  the  curious  quotation  from  an  ancient  poet,  Makkari 
I,  799:  "Thou  sayest:  'Shiism  consists  in  the  love  of  the  Bald 
one  of  Hashim.'3  Be  then,  I  pray,  a  Rafidi,  if  thou  wishest  it, 
or  become  thou  a  Shiite!"  As  clearly  differentiated  the  two 
terms  appear  in  the  definition  Ikd  267:  "They  were  called 
Ratida,  because  they  'deserted'  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar"  (cf.  p. 

-5  * 

142,  n.  6)  .  .  .   J-c- 


-Xj 


LJ!  ^jyjJj*  ^jL*Jtc  "  the  Shi'a,  however,  are  outside 
of  them  (the  Rafida).  They  are  those  who  prefer  AH  to  Oth- 
man  but  follow  Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar."5  Compare  also  above, 
Comm.,  p.  1915. 

In  this  connection  may  also  be  mentioned  the  title  of  Jahiz' 

treatise  (Masudi  VI,  57),   ^J  K^^W  ^.xxxi^Jf  ^yo!  s.x>(jo\  ^)(.X$ 

&J  >La-XjVt  3  (jl^-ft,*/      j! 
.  iLo.it  Jl 

With  the  consolidation  of  the  Shi'a  the  "deserters"  of  Zeid  b. 
Ali  in  122'1  developed  into  the  Imdiniyya  sect  which  out  of  the 
belief  in  the  hereditary  nature  of  the  Imamate  and  the  repudia- 

!  In  this  case,  however,  and  possibly  in  some  other  cases  Rdfida  may 
be  taken  in  the  more  limited  meaning  of  Imamiyya,  see  later  in  the 
text,  p.  149  f  . 

4  For  a  few  more  equally  late  examples  see  Ahlwardt's  Berlin  Cata- 
logue No.  2152. 

3  Ali  was  bald,  cf.  Text  576. 

Cj  .—  The  pun  contained   in  these 


words  is  as  clever  as  it  is  frivolous. 
6  See  later  p.  158  middle. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  149 

tion  of  the  Prophet's  Companions  evolved  an  independent  system 
of  religious  doctrine  and  pi'actice.  Their  antipodes  within  the 
Shi  'a  were  the  Zeidiyya^  the  followers  of  Zeid  b.  Ali.  Hence 
Hawdfid  very  aptly  became  the  equivalent  for  Imdmiyya.1  In 
this  application  our  term  is  consistently  used  by  Zeiditic  and  very 
frequently  by  Sunnitic  writers.  Thus  a  Zeidite  writes  v.jLx>  . 

2  iLoJt  J!  ^c.  t>  Jl.  The  early  Zeidite  al-Kasim  b.  Ibrahim  (died 
246h)  applies  the  word  in  the  same  manner,  e.  g.,  Comm.  10428, 
similarly  Zeid.  Mutaz.,  p.  48.  The  Zeidite  Suleiman  b.  Jarir 
(see  Comm.  p.  7220)  JLcLsU!  3,  ^.xio  "criticized  the  Rafida," 

i.  e.  the  Imamiyya  (Shahr.  119).  Jahiz  begins  his  "Epistle  on 
the  Doctrines  of  the  Shi'a"  (Jfajm&'at  ar-Rasdil,  Cairo  1324h, 
p.  178)  with  the  characteristic  words:  "Know  .  .  .  that  the 

Shi'a  of  Ali  is  Zeidite  and  Rafidite  (IxisL.  "  Jo\).     The  rest  of 

them  are  isolated  and  not  classified.  The  description  of  these 
two  (Zeidites  and  Rafidites)  makes  (the  description  of)  those 
outside  of  them  unnecessary."  Masudi  VI,  23  designates  as  the 


sects  of  Islam  ab^xixtj  abtXjUl^  Jiuai  J!j  auj»j+      ~y»\  the 
same  meaning  apparently  'attaches  to  the  word  ibidem,  V,  442.  3 


So,  also,  Tab.  Ill,  168415  JbJ^Xj  .  .  .  judi*. 

In  the  same  sense  our  word  is  constantly  applied  by  Ibn 
Hazm.  He  consciously  defines  it  as  contradictory  to  Zeidiyya 
Text  74  ff  .  and  veiy  often  applies  it  in  this  meaning  in  his  Milal. 

Thus  Ed.  IV,  176":  *Ju 
1631 


similarly   IV,   171  ia-  10.      Famous  Imamites   are    designated   as 

1  Comp.  Snouck-Hurgronje,  Mekka  I,  33  ult.  :  "  Ursprimglich  bildeten 
die  Zeiditen  einen  Gegensatz  zu  den  Rafidhiten." 

*  Fihrist  193  ult.  For  another  example  see  Brockelmann  1,  186.  —  "  Die 
imamitische  Sekte  der  Zaiditen,"  ibidem,  p.  185,  is  a  contradictio  in 
adiecto. 

a  Elsewhere  (V,  473)  he  allusively  refers  to  the  origin  of  the  name  of 
the  Zeidiyya,  for  which  he  claims  to  have  several  explanations. 

4  In  this  passage  I.  H.  exactly  defines  the  position  of  the  Imamiyya  in 
the  question  of  the  "  Imamate  of  the  Inferior"  (cf.  p.  141,  n.  8). 


150  Z  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Rafidis,  e.  g.,  Ali  b.  Mitam  (Comm.  6025),1  Text  ol4,2  Hishain 
b.  al-Hakam  (Comm.  6511),  Text  63s,  74",  Ed.  II,  121s,'  Muham- 
med  b.  Ja'far  (Sheitan  at-Tak,  Comm.  599),  Text  50'  5.  As 
synonymous  with  Imamiyya  the  word  also  appears  Test  6216; 
Comm.  144",  152;  Ed.  IY,  100  f.  and  elsewhere. 

It  is  only  a  slight  variation  of  this  usage  when  I.  H.  employs 
Rawafid  as  an  apposition  of  Imamiyya.     Thus  Test  4415  (=  Ed. 

IV,  179  penult.)   ^xJt   SuLiM  ^   aLycLoVt 


JY  4719  (=Ed.  IV,  181') 

j  p^JLTauaiyi  JUx>UVI,  or  Tfcrf  3120  (  = 
112  ult.),  where  several  Imamites  are  characterized  as 
Juuui,  for  which  Br.  and  V.  (see  ib.  n.  4)  read  JudjK  aut>yi 

On  the  other  hand,  the  original  meaning  of  Rawafid  as 
"  repudiators,"  without  the  restriction  of  an  organized  sect, 
seems  to  be  unconsciously  present  in  Ibn  Hazm's  mind  when  he 

speaks  of  iLastjJt  ^jo  aux>Loa!  ,   see  this  page  note  5  and    !'>•.<•  t 

4218=Ed.  IV,  1798. 

As  an  equivalent  of  Imamiyya  our  word  shares  in  all  the 
modifications  of  that  term,  embracing  all  those  who  believe  in 
the  hereditary  nature  of  the  Imamate  and  in  a  written  will  of 
the  Prophet  (comp.  Text  74).  Thus  the  Zeidite  al-Kasim  con- 
sciously defines  Rawafid  as  those  who  carry  the  Imamate 

1  Bagd.,  too,  counts  him  among  the  jLo,j!J!     ^,  +*.£,   (ib.). 

2  In  the  Arabic  text  (Ed.  IV,  181  penult.)    ,jl^»  is  to  be  read  instead 

rfJJT,. 

3  Comp.  Masudi  VII,  231. 

4  L.  and  Br.  merely  read  (ib.  note  8)  x^pL  It     jjo  xjj._s  ow'Li'«  . 

5  L.  Br.  instead  (ib.  n.  13)  aLLoLoV!      w/o  *^«  LJlS  aUxxiiaJ 

see  later. 


6  Comp.  Burton,  Personal  Narrative  of  a  Pilgrimage  to  al-Medinah 
and  Meccah  (ed.  1898),!,  206:  "The  Maghrabis,  too,  hearing  that  the 
Persians  were  Rafaz  (heretics)  crowded  fiercely  round  to  do  a  little 
Jihad,  or  Fighting  for  the  Faitb."  The  Persians  were  no  doubt 
"  Twelvers." 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  151 

down  to  Ja'far.1  In  the  same  sense  probably,2  IKhald.  counts 
(II.  165,  III,  72,  74)  the  Isma'iliyya,  who  transfer  the  Imamate 
from  Ja'far  to  his  son  Isma'il,  and  for  a  similar  reason 
the  Fatimides  (III,  8)  among  the  Rawafid.  3  Ja'far's  son 
Musa  is  termed  "Imam  ar-Rafida,"4  and  so  is  al-  Hasan  al- 
'Askari,  the  Mahdi's  father.5  With  the  spread  of  the  Ithna'ash- 
ariyya,  Rawafid  just  as  Imamiyya6  became  a  designation  of 
the  "Twelvers."  Thus  Mirza  49a  unmistakably  says 


His    treatise 

entitled  (jait^vJ!  £>  ^  (jdJiLjJt  xJLu/v  is  directed  against  the 
same  sect.  I.  H.  applies  the  word  similarly,  Ed.  I,  1397  and 
Text  76',  771. 

The  further  development  of  our  term  seems  to  have  been 
influenced  by  the  relation  of  the  Sunnites  to  the  Imamiyya. 
However  bitterly  the  former  resented  the  Imamiyya's  attitude 
towards  the  Companions,  they  still  regarded  them  as  being 
writhin  the  fold  of  Islam.7  Excluded  from  the  Muhammedan 
community  were  only  the  G-ulat  or  Galiya,8  who  were  considered 

1  See  Comm.  p.  104s5. 

2  Another  explanation  is  possible,  see  p.  152,  n.  4. 

3  One  must,  however,  bear  in  mind  that  under  the  Fatimides  the 
*'  repudiation  "  of  the  first  Caliphs  became  obligatory  as  a  state  law,  cf. 
Goldziher,  Shi'a  456. 

4  1  Bab.,  IthbatBS. 

5  Ib.  41.     It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  al-Hasan  is  so  designated  by  one 
of  his  admirers  (although  not  a  Shiite).     This  would  indicate  that,  in 
Shiitic  countries  at  least,  our  appellation  lost  much  of  its  derogatory 
character. 

6Comp.  IKhald.  I,  362     **J.J     LJo.~».     UoL 


1  See  following  note. 
8  Comp.    Bagd.    6b 


. 

see  ib.  99a  and  Makr.  345.     Comp.  also 
Introduction,  p.  21. 


152  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

an  outgrowth  of  the  Imamiyya,1  but  not  identified  with  them." 
The  nature  of  our  term  as  a  no  men  odiosum  sufficiently  accounts 
for  its  occasional  application  as  Gulat  in  distinction  from  the 
Imamiyya.  Thus  IKhald.  II,  164,  in  speaking  of  the  Sufis  who 

believe  in  the  Divine  nature  of  the  Imams,  observes: 


"they  share  this  belief  with  the  Imamiyya 

and  Rafida  (i.  e.  Gulat3),  because  they  maintain  the  divinity  of 
the  Imam  or  the  incarnation  of  the  Deity  in  them."  Ibidem 
1.  1:  "the  tenets  of  the  Imamiyya  and  Rafida  of  the  Shi'a  as 
to  the  recognition  of  Ali's  superiority  and  the  belief  in  his 
Imamate,  owing  to  a  written  will  of  the  Prophet,  as  well  as  the 
repudiation  of  the  two  Elders."'  As  Gulat  our  word  is  proba- 
bly to  be  explained  Masudi  VI,  26:  /-^^  sJu.J^  «.j!  ^#3. 


/-**'5          T}       /j)  i-V        r:>- 


^      !^ 

"Abu    Hanifa    (Comm.'  8e),    the    majority    of    the    Murji'a, 
the  majority  of  the  Zeidiyya,  such  as5  the  Janldiyya  (Comm. 


1  IKhald.  I,  359  speaks  of  XAX>lxVt  S^Lc,  see  the  following  note. 

2  Comp.  the  sharp  distinction  drawn  by  Ibn  Hazm,  Text  55'21  ff.     The 
Imamites  themselves  energetically  deny  any  connection  with  the  Gulat, 
comp.  Goldziher,  Shi'a  466,  n.  2  and  Comm.  9118. 

3  Comp.  IKhald.  I,  358  :  4i  The  Gulat  have  transgressed  the  limits  of 
Reason  and  Faith  by  believing  in  the  divinity  of  these  Imams."    See 
Ibn  Hazm,  Text  55". 

4  Outside  the  Imamiyya,  it  is  only  the  Gulat  who  hold  these  beliefs. 
The  Zeidiyya  reject  them.  —  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  take  Imamiyya 
in  its  restricted  sense  as  Ithna'ashariyya  (comp.  p.  151  n.  b),  Rafida 
here  might  possibly  stand  for  the  Isma'iliyya.     Again,  in  the  expres- 


sion x^ii!  J!  ..^x  klJLccL^wwVI  (P-  151)  the  latter  might  designate 
Gulat,  as  the  Isma'iliyya  hold  guluww  doctrines.  Ib.  Ill,  74  IKhald.  , 
alongside  of  the  expression  just  quoted,  says 


5  1  take 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  tfhiites,  etc.  153 

22)  and  other  sects'  and  the  remaining  sects  of  the  Shi 'a1 
and  the  Rnfida3  as  well  as  the  Rawendiyya  (Comm.  p.  121  ff.) 
hold  that  the  Imamate  is  permissible  only  in  the  Kureish 
tribe."  A  clear  case  of  this  usage  is  found  lAthir  VII,  341 1.  4, 


where  instead  of  JuijJ!  3  (read  L^U-*)  ^|Utxi  ^^  three 
codices  read  y^^Jo  .  A  curious  as  well  as  instructive  example 

is  afforded  by  the  anecdote  told  Kdmil,  ed.  Wright  547  and 
Agh.  Ill,  24.  Wasil  b.  'Ata,  the  founder  of  the  Mu'tazila 
(Comm.  p.  II36),  was  suffering  from  a  linguistic  defect  and  was 
consequently  unable  to  pronounce  the  letter  ltd.  He  bears  a 
deadly  hatred  towards  the  ultra-Shiitic  poet  Bashshar  b.  Burd, 
who  had  derogated  him  in  one  of  his  poems.  Wasil  bitingly 

retorts:  he  would  hire  assassins  to  dispose  of  him  JtbiJ!  ,1  V.J 


were  not  assassination  a  specific 
quality  of  the  Galiya."4     Here  the  narrator  remarks:  Wasil  said 

Gdliya  jb^oxj'  Vj  w^**-1'  <±&r>.  |J;  (Kamil,  ib.)  "but  he 
did  not  say  al-Mansilriyya  nor  al-Mugiriyya,"  —  two  ultra-Shiitic 
sects  known  for  their  terroristic  practices5  —  because  of  the  ltd 
contained  in  their  names.  This  remark  of  the  narrator  is  repro- 
duced Af/li.  with  a  significant  variant:  JudiLJ!  JJb  *Jj  Wdsil 
said  Gdliya,  but  not  Rdjida.  To  the  narrator  in  Agh.  then  the 
two  expressions  seemed  synonymous.6 

1  Soil,  "of  the  Zeidiyya."    The  Jarudiyya  appears  everywhere  as  the 
first  sect  of  the  Zeidiyya,  cf.  Shahr.  1184,  Iji  352,  Makr.  352-4,  comp. 


Text  4217.     Tab.  Ill,  1617  says  :  £j  Jo     !j  Jo^l  ,  taking  the  former 
as  an  independent  sect. 
'-  Probably  referring  to  the  various  sections  of  the  Imdmiyya. 

3  It  is  not  clear  whether  x«ii!  JL  or  auoi!  J!«  is  to  be  read. 

4  To  whom  Bashshar  (Comm.  24*)  belonged. 

5  See  Comm.  9212  ff  . 

6  It  is  possible  that  this  meaning  of  the  word  is  unconsciously  present 
in  I.  H's  mind  when  he  declares  (Comm.  62*=Ed.  II,  IS4):  "  the  Rawan'4 
do  not  belong  to  the  Muslims."    For  the  Imamites  are  not  excluded  by 
I.  H.  from  the  community  of  Islam  (cf.  p.  152,  n.  2).     On  the  other  hand, 
the  belief  in   "Tabdil"  with  which  the  Raw&fid  are   charged   in   the 
above-mentioned  passage  is  characteristic  of  the  Imamites  (cf.  Text  51" 


154  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

This  application,  however,  cannot  be  said  to  be  more  than 
incidental.  Often  enough  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  usages  enumerated  before,  the  "  Exaggerators  "  being 
at  the  same  time  "Repudiators."  Besides,  the  Galiya  never 
became  an  independent  organism  as  did  the  Imamiyya.  The 
constituency  of  the  Galiya  is  as  fluctuating  as  is  the  name,  which 
only  later  and  even  then  not  uncontestedly  became  the  technical 
term  for  Ultra  Shiites.2  At  any  rate,  the  cases  in  which  Raw:"i- 
fid  appears  as  a  synonym  of  Galiya  are  counterbalanced  by  the 
examples  in  which  they  are  distinctly  kept  asunder.  Thus 
Jahiz  (van  Vloten,  Worgers,  p.  58  ult.)  expressly  says  JUojIJ! 
aUJLiJI  *J'.  I.  H.  draws  a  similar  line  of  distinction.  Cf.  T<  .<•> 
4218  (=  Ed.  IV,  1798)  ,jjo  jUxlcVl  ^  abJojJ!  ^  5"«>«>jl=M 

J'3  XA3.il *JI.  In  other  passages  he  uses  the  expression 
\  ^J-A  aLxJljLM ,  applying  the  word  in  the  general  sense 
of  "Repudiators";  Text  3018  (=  Ed.  I,  112"),  Ed.  IV,  206", 
or  xx-LjUl  SUJU  Ed.  V,  11713. 


Vastly  different  from  the  applications  recorded  till  now  is  the 
use  of  Rawafid  as  a  synonym  of  Shi' a,  embracing  all  Shiitic 
sects,  the  Zeidiyya  included.  This  generalization  is  probably 

and  Comm.  61'°).— Strange  is  the  meaning  implied  in  our  word  in  the 
anecdote  Agh.  XII,  2320  :  A  company  of  poets  is  sitting  at  the  wine 
table.  The  poet  Mansur  an-Namari  refuses  to  partake  of  the  forbidden 
liquor.  He  is  thus  accosted  by  the  company  :  ' '  You  only  refrain  from 
wine  drinking  because  you  are  a  Rd.fidi  .  .  .  not  from  piety."  I  have 
found  no  reference  testifying  to  a  particular  scrupulousness  of  the 
Shiites  as  regards  wine  drinking.  On  the  contrary,  certain  Shiitic  sects 
and  individuals  are  accused  of  transgressing  this  prohibition  (cf.  Text 
6214,  Comm.  1450,  28!0),  not  to  mention  the  modern  Shiites,  at  least,  as  far 
as  they  are  represented  by  the  Persians. 

1  Thus  Comm.  42'24  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  the  Rafida  are  desig- 
nated as  such  because  of  the  extravagant  belief  referred  to  there  or 
because  of  their  exclusive  adherence  to  Ali,  which  implies  the  repudia- 
tion' of  the  other  Companions. 

2  Mukaddasi  still  uses  the  term  in  an  entirely  different  sense  (cf.  p.  145, 
n.  2.)    See  also  Comm.  125  ff. 

3  Comp.  p.  150  n.  5. 

4  Similarly  Shahr.  813  (jdit,  Ji 

*} 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  155 

the  outcome  of  a  more  hostile  attitude  toward  the  Shiites,  par- 
ticularly towards  the  Zeidiyya,  on  the  part  of  the  Sunnites,  who 
now  indiscriminately  brand  by  this  derogatory  term  all  those 
who  swerve  from  the  Sunna.1  Thus  the  Dictionary  of  Technical 
Terms,  ed.  Sprenger,  bluntly  declares:  OvA-M  yS  ^j.x>  (jdit^J! 

&  * 

Lojl  xjLAXwJlj  ^4-w*J'«  x-yo^Lw*VI  .  Bagd.  and  Lsfr.,  who  elab- 
orately derive  the  origin  of  the  word  from  Zeid  b.  Ali,  consist- 
ently apply  Rawafid  to  all  the  sects  of  the  Shi'a  without 
exception.  To  quote  a  few  examples  out  of  many:  Bagd.  6b 


J     *j 
(cf.   ibidem  22a),  9a   4\i' 


93b  RxxiLxi^!  k^aiU^  abcXjjJ!  R^iitJt  ^tXj,  112b 

j!   IsLo 

As  the  Zeidiyya  and  Imamiyya,-so  are  the  Gulat  and  their  various 
sections  counted  amon     the  Rawafid:  fol.  103a  JuJUJt  x^ist 


14a    x-AoiI   ^    »^.        kxjx^,    103b 
.xt   x-oLxA*JI.4     Isfr.'s  use   of   the    word    is    identical 


1  This  again  may  be  explained  by  the  change  in  the  attitude  of  the 
Zeidiyya  themselves,  —  for  it  is  only  with  reference  to  the  Zeidiyya  that 
this  usage  of  our  word  differs  from  the  one  preceding  it.  Thus  Shah- 
rastani,  having  narrated  the  incident  with  Zeid  b.  Ali  anno  122h, 


observes  (p.  1183)  :  aLeLolj  JLaJ!  lj*c  vilj  3  JotJ  &j  JovJI    Ji5l  v^ 

J..A3.A4J!  .     For  a  characteristic 


example  of  this  changed  attitude  see  Snouck-Hurgronje,  Mekka  I,  33 
n.  2.  —  Misbah's  remark  (quoted  by  Lane  s.v.  (jajj.j)    probably  refers 

to  the  same  fact  :  '•  Afterwards  (i.  e.,  after  Zeid  b.  Ali)  this  appellation 
became  applied  to  all  persons  .  .  .  speaking  against  the  Companions." 

2  Cf  .  preceding  note. 

3  Cf.  Comm.  41  ". 

4  Wellhausen's  statement  (Opp.  96,  n.  1):   ilSabaijja  ist  ein  alterer, 
Rafida  ein  spaterer  Name  f  iir  dieselbe  Sache  "  is  not  in  accordance  with 
the  facts  set  forth  above. 


156  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

with  that  of  Bagd.  :  Isfr.  8b  JbJoj-M   O>i   &A-L:  ^.t.+j^'  y^iJ^  Jf 


7 

Makrizi  in  his  account  on  Muhammedaii  sects  employs  the  word 
in  the  same  general  sense,  including  among  the  Rawafid  the  Iinam- 
iyya  as  well  as  the  Zeidiyya.2  This  usage  is  also  found  much 
earlier.  IKot.  300  presupposes  it  when  he  remarks  :  *J&  So  JoyJt 

~  f  i, 

Rxiil  Jt    j 


> 

7T  T^  \3~*  /**  FT}^*^  U.57^'3  ^e  same  meaning  is  apparently 
assumed  Tab.  Ill,  1465  (anno  247)  :  a  man  recites  before 
Mutawakkil  a  poem  against  the  Rdfida  in  which  it  is  argued 
that  a  daughter  has  no  hereditary  claims,  and  receives  from  the 
overjoyed  Caliph  10,000  Dirhems  and  the  governorship  of 
Bahrein  and  Yamama.  This  argument,  which  is  directed 
against  the  descendants  of  Ftitlma,  affects  the  Zeidiyya  as.  well 
as  the  Imamiyya.4 

Ibn  Hazm  seems  to  refrain  from  this  unrestricted  use  of  the 
word.  The  only  exception  —  and  this  perhaps  a  deceptive 
one  —  5  is  found  Text  401'1  (—Ed.  IV,  17816),  where,  instead  of  the 

1  The  Gulat  are  excluded  from  Islam.  Bagdadi,  who  counts  four  sec- 
tions (p.  15510),  is  inconsistent,  cf.  p.  151,  n.  8. 

-  Makrizi's  statement  (Comm.  124)  may  apply  to  the  Shi'a  in  gen- 
eral or  to  the  Imamiyya  of  whom  he  speaks  in  the  quoted  passage.  On 
the  relation  of  the  Mu'tazila  to  the  Imamiyya,  see  also  Goldziher,  Shi'a, 
p.  484. 

3  This  is  apparently  the  source  for  Ikd  269  ;  aoJo«Jf   £L<a.5t>Jl     -yA* 

Jjs!    p&j    ^jLw-L^    JjJCiJ!    ^£.    ^    &ij 

This 


v 

somewhat  inconsistent  with  the  statement  p.  148.  Elsewhere  (cf. 
Comm.  5J6'2)  Ikd  designates  as  Rawafid  those  who  believe  in  the  "  return  " 
of  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya,  i.  e.,  the  Keisaniyya. 

4  See  Introduction,  p.  21.     Snouck-Hurgronje's  observation  (Mekka  I, 
34)  :  "im  12.  Jahrhundert  konnte  man  die  Zeiditen  Arabiens  als  Rafid- 
hiten  bezeichnen,  weil  sie  dort  und  damals  den  Orthodoxen  schroff  gegen- 
iiberstanden  "  must  needs  be  amplified  :  the  designation  of  the  Zeidiyya 
as  Rawafid  is  older  than  the  12.  century  and  by  no  means  restricted  to 
Arabia. 

5  For  the  author  speaks  of  the  "  depravities"  of  these  sects,  cf.  Intro- 
duction, p.  22. 


Vol.  xxix.]         TJie  Heterodoxies  of  the  S/iiites,  etc.  157 

superscription    of   Ed.   and  Y.    x!CA4-H 


iLtj  ,  L.  and  Br.  read  _->!y^  x.oj!  J! 


Those  who  have  perused  the  material  presented  in  this  appen- 
dix with  some  measure  of  attention  will  have  observed  that  the 
word  Shi'-a  —  not  unlike  Rawafid  —  is  not  a  sharply  and  definitely 
circumscribed  term  but  is  subject  to  not  inconsiderable  modifica- 
tions. In  distinction  from  Itawiififl,  the  term  Shi''  a  has  nothing 
objectionable  or  derogatory  about  it8:  the  Shiites  themselves 
unhesitatingly  assume  this  appellation.4  To  the  Sunnites  as  well, 
owing  to  the  ever  increasing  prevalence  of  pro-Alidic  senti- 
ments among  the  masses,5  Shi^a  even  in  the  sense  of  "Shi  'at  'All" 
conveys  no  objectionable  meaning,  —  this,  as  it  were,  respect- 
able character  of  the  word  being,  in  our  opinion,  the  main 
reason  for  the  gradual  spread  of  Rawdfid  at  its  expense.  The 
application  of  Shi^a  by  the  Sunnites,  just  as  that  of  Hawd- 
_A*'A  is  largely  conditioned  by  their  attitude  towards  the  Zeid- 
iyya.  The  disagreement  between  the  Sunna  and  Zeidiyya  is 
not  one  of  deep-seated  antagonism.  In  point  of  fact,  the 
whole  difference  reduces  itself  to  the  question  as  to  the  candi- 
dacy for  the  Imainate.  According  to  the  Zeidiyya,  the  Imamate 
is  confined  to  the  descendants  of  Fatima6;  the  Sunnites  extend 
it  to  the  whole  of  Kureish.  Since,  however,  the  Sunnites  for 
the  most  part  agree  with  the  Zeidiyya  as  to  the  excellence  of 

1  Cf.  also  Comm.  31». 

-  The  former  superscription  however  is  the  original  one,  see  the  refer- 
ence quoted  Text  40,  n.  3. 

3  Cf.  p.  146,  n.  1. 

4  Cf  .  Shahr.  1438  (in  a  quotation  from  Ibn  an-Nu'man.  Comm.  592),  also 
Goldziher.  Shi-  a  470,  n.  2. 

5  Cf.  ZDMG.  50,  111. 

6  i.  e.,  Hasanides  as  well  as  Huseinides,  —  provided,  of  course,  their 
personal  fitness  (cf.  Text  15"  IF.  and  Comm.).  —  Wellhausen's  assumption 
(Opp.  93)  :  "  Sie  (die  Zeidijja)  unterscheiden  sich  von  der  Rafida  durch 
ihr  Eintreten  fiir  das  Haus  Husains"  contradicts  one  of  the  fundamental 
tenets  of  the  Zeidiyya.     That  Zeid  b.  Ali  was  a  descendant  of  Husein 
was  mere  chance  and  wholly  indifferent  to  the  Zeidiyya  or  to  Zeid  him- 
self.    Cf.  Comm.  2231  ff. 


158  /.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Ali  and  his  family,  and  the  Zeidiyya,  on  the  other  hand,  agree 
with  the  Sunnites  as  to  the  legitimacy  of  the  two  Elders,  the 
gap  between  them  seems  practically  to  close.  "  The  Zeidiyya," 
says  Makr.  3547,  "are  the  best  among  the  Shi'a,  for  they  admit  the 
Imamate  of  Abu  Bekr  and  deny  the  existence  of  a  written  will 
concerning  the  Imamate  of  Ali."  This  stands  to  reason  why 
Mukaddasi,  e.  g.,  places  the  Zeidiyya  outside  the  Shi;a,  apply- 
ing the  latter  term  to  the  Imamiyya  and  other  radical  sections 
of  the  Shi'a.  Thus  p.  38  n.  d  (see  above  p.  142  n.  6): 

t,  or  p.  37" 


"  the  Shi'a  prevailed  upon  the  Zeidiyya,"  or  p.  1281 


JuuuiJ!  5  ^  )          |*""  ^*+-  <*J 

The  "  stupid  Shiites  "  can  only  refer  to  the  Imamiyya  and  other 
radical  sections,1  as  the  Zeidiyya,  on  the  whole,  refrain  from 
attacking  the  four  Caliphs.2 

It  is  nothing  but  a  different  consequence  of  the  same  attitude 
of  mind  when,  on  the  contrary,  we  find  that  the  term  A'///v/,  with- 
out any  objectionable  by-meaning,3  is  applied  to  the  Zeidiyya, 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  Imdmiyya  who  are  designated  as  RawA- 
fid.  This  is  clearly  the  case  with  the  utterance  of  //•</,  p.  148  4 
and  the  hadith  p.  14G  (cf.  p.  147  n.  2).  It  may  also  be  applic- 
able in  the  phrase  aLxiit  Jl^  aui.uiJ!,  of  which  several  examples 
were  quoted  p.  147  f.,  notably  so  in  the  case  of  IKhald.  p.  148.  " 

With  the  rise  within  the  Zeidiyya  of  sections  which,  unfaith- 
ful to  their  founder,  did  not  refrain  from  the  "denunciation  of 
the  Companions,"  "  the  attitude  of  the  Sunna  became  one  of 
hostility  and  the  term  Shi'a,  gradually  assuming  a  distinct 

1  This  is  clearly  shown   by    the    variant    (note    a) 
/o  «>^Lft*Jt 


.     (j>j      j  —.     + 

-  As  clififerent  from  Zeidiyya,  Shi'a  is  also  applied  by  Masudi,  see  p.  152. 

*  Cf.  p.  146,  n.  1. 

4  This  is  in  contradiction  with  Ikd,  p.  156,  n.  3.     But  the  latter  passage 
is  borrowed  from  Ibn  Koteiba,  see  ib. 

5  Ibn  Khaldun  speaks  of   their  writings,   which  would  point  to  a 
dogmatically  consolidated  sect. 

6  Cf.  p.  155,  n.  1.     The  sect  mentioned  Comm.  75  limits  the  Imamate  to 
the  Hasanides,  yet  indulges  in  the  denunciation  of  the  Companions. 


Vol.  xxix.]         TJie  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  159 

heterodox  character,  was  now  applied   to  all  sects  of   Shiism, 
from  the  Zeidiyya  to  its  farthest  ramifications,  the  Gulat.1 

Lastly,  mention  must  be  made  of  a  term  used  by  the  Shiites  for 
the  same  polemical  purposes  as  was  Rawdfid  by  the  Sunnites. 
\\'r  refer  to  the  expression  Xmrdsib,  which  seems  to  have  been 
patterned  after  Rawdfid*  Ample  information  about  the  mean- 
ing and  history  of  this  designation  can  be  drawn  from  Gold- 
ziher's  writings.3  Originally  JVaicdsib  stood  for  the  exact 
revei'se  of  Rawafid:  the  "enemies"  or  "haters"  (of  Ali),4 
and  was  confined  to  the  extreme  Kharijites.  Gradually  its 
meaning  expanded  so  that  it  finally  embraced  all  Sunnites, 
however  far  they  wei'e  from  hating  Ali. 

In  addition  we  may  remark  that  the  Imamiyya  polemically 
apply  the  same  term  even  to  the  Zeidiyya,  with  whom  the 
superiority  of  Ali  is  a  cardinal  doctrine.  Kashi  149  quotes 

* 

Ja4'ar  as-Sadik  as  saying  :5  ^UkxJt  *&  aL><X>jJ!.     Further  utter- 
ances   of    a    similar    tendency    can    be    found    in    the    same 

passage. 

1  So  nearly  all  writers.  —  On  the  relation  of   the  Gulat   to  the  Shi'a 
comp.  Introduction,  p.  21  and  Index  s.v.  Shi'a. 

2  Cf.    Mukaddasi  38':  io 


.      ibidem  3716   (j^jtj  JU  XAJiJU!  UcU 

*..!«  s.A^:>»4..'L   SvA^xJL.     Thus  the  Hash  wiyy  a  correspond  with 

the  Murji'a  and  the  Navvasib  with  the  Rawafid. 

3  Shi'a  491  ff.,  ZDMG.  36,  281,  Muh.  St.  II,  120. 

,  o   * 

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INDEX  OF  NAMES   AND  SUBJECTS.1 

Abatur,  deity  of  Mandseans,  II.  84'23. 
al-'Abbas,  II.  30",  103™. 
'Abbasids,  see  Imamate. 
'Abdallah  b.  al-'Abbas,  II.  2o'\ 

b.       'Abdallab  b.  Shuneif,  II.  7416. 

b.        Ahmad  b.  Ab!  Zeid,  II.  41  n.  2. 

b.       'Anir  b.  al-Harb  (II.  1243"),  see  'A.  b.  al-Harith. 

b.  "    b.  al-Harith  (II.  124'6),  see  'A.  b.  al-Harith. 

b.   al-Harb  (II.  1243-),  see  'A.  b.  al-Harith. 

Harbiyya,  II.  124  f. 
b.    al-Harith,  I.  375,  71,  II.  90",  124  ff. 
b.        Ja'far  b.  Abi  Talib,  II.  45  n.  2. 
b.  ••      al-  Aftah.  II.  Il4la  ff. 

Aftahiyya,  ib. 
b.    al-Kharb  (II.  12433),  see  'A.  b.  al-Harith. 

Kharbiyya,  I.  711',  II.  124  f. 
b.        Lahi'a,  II.  43'. 

b.        Mu'awiya,  I.  45'5,  7114,  II.  24  n.  1,  44  ff.,  126". 
Janahiyya,  see  Mu'awiya  b.  'Abdallah. 
b.        Mugira  b.  Sa'id,  I.  CO7. 
b.        Nauf ,  II.  7218  f. 

b.        Saba,  called  Ibn  as-Saudd.  accounts  on,  I.  3.  n.  1, 
II.  19,  100;  Jew,  embraced   Islam  to  injure  it, 

I.  37:,   45'.   II.    17;    against    'Othmdn,   I.    37"', 

II.  19i4 ;    originates  Raj'a  and  Gaiba,    II.   278 ; 
Raj 'a  of  Muhammed,  II.  2419,  25  n.  1  ;  Raj'a  of 

1  The  authorities  quoted  as  such  throughout  the  treatise  have  been 
excluded  from  this  index.  On  account  of  lack  of  space  only  the  most 
important  items  have  been  specified.  Unless  otherwise  stated,  the 
names  are  those  of  persons.  The  words  ending  in  -iyya  designate  sects. 
The  latter  appear  under  the  heading  of  the  person  to  which  they 
belong,  a  cross-reference  always  indicating  that  person.  The  words 
printed  in  italics  will  be  found  as  special  items.  The  quotations  refer 
to  line  and  page.  Where  the  line  is  left  out,  the  whole  page  or  most  of 
it  deals  with  that  item.  I.  refers  to  the  first  part  of  this  treatise  (vol. 
xxviii.  of  this  Journal);  II.  to  the  second  (vol.  xxix).  In  the  alphabeti- 
cal arrangement  the  article  in  its  various  forms  and  b.  (=bnu)  have 
not  been  counted,  s.  v.  refers  to  the  preceding  item  in  italics ;  ib.  to 
the  preceding  figure.  Fatha  is  rendered  by  a,  occasionally  by  e,  damma 
by  u  and  o  :  the  diphthong  fatha  +  r/d  by  ai  and  ei.  A  list  of  Arabic 
words  is  appended  to  this  index. 
VOL.  xxix.  11 


162  /.  Fi-iedlaender,  [1908. 

'All  denying  that  he  died,  I.  45,  II.  25,  30"\  43  f., 
9511,  cf.  393,  12810,  and  maintaining  that  in  clouds, 

I.  45,  II.  42'*  ff.  ;  belief  in  divinity  of  'All,  I.  65 
ult.  ff.,  II.   17",  99-.  cf.   II.  9115;  banished  by 
'Alt,  II.  42  n.  1,  43  n.  6,  or  burned.  II.  100  n.  1  : 
his  adherents  burned  by  'AH,  II.  99  f . 

Saba'iyya,  I.  45',  65  n.  7,  II.  17',  10114, 155  penult.  : 
called  Sabbabiyya,  II.  41  f.;  principal  Alidic  sect, 

II.  1012S;  synonymous  with  radical  heresy,  II. 
100",  cf.  83  n.  1,  1002'  ff.  :  and  Rcnrafid,  II.   155 
n.  4. 

'Abdallah  b.        Sabbab,  II.  42  n.  1. 

b.        Yasin,  I.  55  n.  1,  II.  76' 8. 
b.        Yazid  al-Ibadi,  I.  30'%  II.  10',  65". 
'Abdarrahman  b.  Muljam,  I.  729,  II.  12812. 
Ablak,  II.  122". 

Abna,  appellation  for  Persians,  I.  35  ult.,  II.  186. 
al-  Abtar,  II.  129"  ff.     See  Kathir  al-Abtar. 

Butriyya  ib.,  or  Buteiriyya,  II,  '131  n.  2. 
Abu  '1  'Abbas  ar-Rububadi,  II.  12S31. 

Rububadiyya,     ib.       See    ar-Rawandi     and 

Rawandiyya. 
'Abdallah  al-'Ajani,  II.  178,  110  n.  1. 

"         ash-Shi'i,  II.  75'°,  10931,  110  n.  1. 
"        'Ali  (ash-Shakkak),  I.  52  penult.,  7524,  II.  66i:. 
"         Bashshar  al-Ash'ari,  II.  963. 

Bekr  and  'Omar,  legitimate  Imams,  I.  22,  7416,  II.  2121,  12924, 
130s,  138  f.,  141,  158,  or  illegitimate,  I.  7912,  141  penult.  ; 
hated  and  denounced  by  the  Shi'a.  I.  358,  52'°,  II.  14'1,  28 
n.  1,  42'.  ',  64M,  65«,  142-148,  151  n.  3,  15213.  See  Com- 
panions. 

"  "    b  'Ayash,  see  Ibn  'Ay ash. 

'•     '1  Faraj  al-Isfahani,  author  of  Agani,  II.  144  n.  6. 
Gifar,  II.  1232  f. 

Hanifa,  I.  29",  II.  8s,  152  penult. 
"         Hashim  'Abdallah  b.  Muhammed  H.  89',  1263.     See  Imamate. 

Ha^himiyya.  II.  351(l  ff.,  895. 

"     '1  Hudeil,  I.  302,  531,  II.  14«  ff.,  16',  58"-  M,  6024,  66  f.,  74. 
"         Hureira  ar-Rubiibadi,  see  Abu  '!-' Abbas. 
"        4sa  al-Isfahani,  II.  90'\ 

Isma'il  al-Bittikhi,  I.  30  ult.,  II.  II24,  1214. 

Bittikhiyya.  I.  30  ult. 
"     '1  Jarud,  called  Surhub,  II.  226. 

Jarudiyya,  I.  42n,  43  f.,  7413,  II.  22,  13613,  153 

n.  1. 

Surhubiyya,  II.  221-. 
Kamil,  I.  55%  80s,  II.  76SI. 


Vol.  xxix.]         Tlie  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  163 

Abu       Karb,  II.  35-4,  36  n.  1. 

Karbiyya,  ib. 

"     '[  Kasim  'All  al-Murtada,  I.  51",  II.  63. 
'•     '1        "      an-Najjar,  see  Ibn  Haushab. 
••     '1        "       ar-Razi,  I.  521,  II.  6323. 
"         Khatim,  sec  al-Bawari. 

"     '1  Khattab,  II.  112  ff.,  divinity  of,  I.  3419,  694-7,  II.  173;  attacked 
byJa'far  as-Sddik,  II.  1428,  9012,  96-. 

Khattabiyya,  II.  112  ;  factions  of,  I.  7,  64  f., 
6916,  II.  96  f.  ;  worship  Ja'far  as-Sddik,  I.   68,  697,   II. 
106'3;  allegorize  Koran,  II.  14:  claim  to  avoid  death,  I. 
69'°,  II.  24  n.  1,  7230. 
Khirash  (I.  65  n.  4),  see  Khidash. 
Kubeis,  mountain,  II.  67'27. 
•'     rl  Kurus,  II.  36  n.  1. 
Lahab,  II.  906. 

Malik  al-Hadrami,  I.  75  ult.,  II.  13314. 

Mansur  al-'ljli,  called  al-Kisf,  I.  34-*.  62  ff.,  II.  89  ff.,  9212  ff., 
9531. 

Mansuriyya,  or  Kisfiyya  (cf.  I.  63  n.  4),  I.  63, 

II.  92U>  1S,  971S.  188". 
"        Muzaffar  b.  Ardshir,  II.  71. 
"     '1  Mikdam  Tha'it  (?)  al-Haddad,  II.  130*. 
Mikhnaf,  II.  141'°. 

Muslim,  I.  36U.  45,  707,  II.  3010,  4418-  «,  64'°,  947,  118  f.,  12012, 
12414'  «. 

Abu-Muslimiyya,  II.  118-3,  119  n.  2,  or 
Muslimiyya,    II.     1197>  n.     See   Abu    Salma ; 

Ishak. 
Sa'id  Abu  '1  Kheir,  I.  73",  II.  128  f. 

"      al-Hasan  b.  Bahram  al-Jannabi,  I.  68la,  II.  108",  1095. 
Salma,   II.  119  n.  2. 

Baslamiyya  ib.,  12413. 
Sufyau.  father  of  Mu'awiya,  I.  68  n.  8,  II,  1420,  110U. 

"      .  Karmatian,  II.  110'. 
Tahir,  II.  9529,  1088S  ff. 
Ya-la.  I.  51  ult.,  II.  6314. 
•'         Zakarij^ya  al-Khayyat,  II.  179. 
Acbamoth,  Gnostic  hypostasis,  II.  83is. 
Adam.  I.  68',  II,  45  n.  8,  104,  116%  1211  ff. 
Addad,  see  Clementines. 
Aden,  in  Yemen,  II.  110"- 16. 
Afshin,  II.  101,  n.  1. 

Aftahiyya,  see  'Abdallah  b.  Ja'far  al-Aftah. 
Ahmad  b.       Habit  ill.  1011),  see  next. 

b.       Ha'it,  I.  30",  II.  101  ff.,  II8.  17,  649f.,  90",  9123. 
"        b.      Idris,  I.  54  penult. 
"       b.      Nanus  (II.  10").  see  A.  b.  Yanush. 


164  I.  Friedlaemt'  /-,  [1908. 

Ahmad  b.       Salih,  II.  709. 

b.       Yanush,  I.  30'%  II.  1011  flf.,  6410.  882>,  9056,  91i4. 
Ahrar,  appellation  for  Persians,  I.  35  ult.,  II.  1813. 
al-  Ahwal,  II.  65  n.  2. 
'Ainiyya,  II.  1031. 
'A'isha,  I.  355,  5216,  II.  2011,  1304. 
'Ajarida,  Kharijite  sect,  I.  311,  II.  II58,  12". 

'All  b.  Abi  Talib,  name,  I.  53  penult.,  II.  73;  age,  I.  56i4,  II.  7T-J  : 
appearance,  I.  57.  II.  78;  grave  unknown,  II.  439  flf..  or 
buried  in  Kufa,  II.  43  n.  3 ;  worthiest  of  Imamate,  I.  32'M. 
74«,  798,  II.  1395,  15915 ;  acknowledged  even  by  Rdwan- 
diyya,  II.  122  n.  1 ;  loved  by  Sunna,  II.  143  n.  6,  146  ; 
exalted  by  Sufis,  II.  1481 ;  conceded  Imamate  to  three  first 
Caliphs,  I.  7415,  II.  129i9,  hence  declared  apostate.  I.  55"'. 
7924 ;  denounced,  II.  145  n.  2  :  hated  by  Khawarij,  II.  64-4 ; 
Imamate  of :  and  eleven  descendants,  see  Twelvers,  and 
three  sons,  see  Keisaniyya,  and  two  sons,  II.  11315ff.,  he 
alone  Imam,  I.  583,  II.  78™,  154  n.  1  ;  possessed  and 
bequeathed  Mystic  lore,  II.  20'  '•  *'-,  33  ;  stops  sun,  I.  53",  II. 
62n.  68  ff.  :  resuscitates  dead,  II.  83  n.  1  ;  was  not  killed 
and  will  return,  I.  34  ult.,  see  'Abdallah  b.  Saba;  in  the 
clouds,  s.  v.;  divinity  of,  s.  v.,  I.  7215,  II.  6215-  -3,  102  f.,  112-', 
127;  Demiurge  (Creator),  I.  62",  II.  91,  99  f.,  127,  1282:as 
such  had  neither  wife  nor  children,  II.  12735ff. ;  punishes 
'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  s.  v.,  and  other  exaygerators,  I.  37'". 
66,  II.  99 f.;  designated  as  al-Kisf,  II.  89",  as  •'  dabbat  al- 
ard,"  II.  8617;  compared  with  Aaron.  II.  48-9,  135",  Avith 
Jesus,  s.  v.,  with  Joshua,  II.  68,  70  f.,  135™  :  warned 
by  Prophet  against  Rawafid,  II.  146  ;  objects  to  religious 
discussions.il.  1525.  Seealso  Imamate,  Imamiyya,  Muham- 
nied.  Nass,  Zeidiyya. 
al-Azdari,  II.  1273B  ff. 

Azdariyya,  ib. 

"  b.    al-Fadl.  I.  68  n.  8.  II.  179.  110'  ff. 
"  b.         Haitham,  see  'A.  b.  Mitham. 
"  b.    al-Hasan   b.  al-Fadl,  II.  4.  n.  2. 
"  b.    al-Husein  b.  'All,  I.  584,  684,  751S. 
"  b.  "        b.  Musa,  see  Abu  '1-Kasim  'All. 

"  b.        Isma'il  b.  Mitham,  see  'A.  b.  Mitham. 
"  b.        Mansur,  I.  75*8,  II.  133"  --'. 
"  b.        Mitham,  I.  ol3,  75-'3,  II.  4019,   60,  13315,  150'. 
"  b.         Muhammed  b.  'All,  I.  586,  769,  II.  523,  cf.  7829. 
"  b.  b.  al-Fayyad.  II.  103i4-  8>,  cf.  I.  676. 

"  b.        Musa  b.  Ja'far,  I.  586,  768,  II.  52'. 

an-Najjar,  II.  179,  110  n.  1. 
'•  b.    al-Warsand  (I.  54  n.  7),  see  Ibn  Warsand. 
Almoravides,  II.  4929,  7619. 
'Amir  b.       Shurahil,  see  ash-Sha'bi. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  165 

'Amir  b.  at-Tufeil,  I.  545,  II.  7330. 
'Ammar  al-'Ibadi,  II.  98".     See  Khidash. 
'Amr  b.  al-'As,  II.  1420. 

"    b.       Humeid,  II.  145. 
Aristotle,  II.  5718. 
Arms,  use  of,  see  Khashabiyya. 
Asad  b.      'Abdallah  al-Kasri.  I.  656,  II.  9825  ff. 

"      b.      Kurz,  II.  874. 
Ashab,  see  Companions, 
al-  Ash'ari,  I.  29'5%ff.,  II.  73',  818,  91. 

Ash'ariyya,  I.  3117,  II.  85. 
Asnm  bint  'Umeis,  II.  6918,  70". 
Avicenna,  II.  12330. 
al-'Ayyashi,  II.  4  n.  2. 

'Azakira.  sect,  see  ash-Shalmagani. 

Azarika,  Khanjite  sect,  I.  3016,  II.  933ff.,  II25. 

Azdariyya,  see  'All  al-Azdari. 

Babak,  I.  369,  II.  IS",  20'. 

Babushiyya,  II.  41  n.  2. 

Babylonia,  ancient,  II.  8033ff.,  87'29.     See 'Irak. 

Bada  (doctrine),  I.  5310,  II.  61a,  72. 

Bada'iyya,  II.  7213. 

Bagdad,  I.  6919flf.,  II.  39-1,  65'5,  IIs,  8034.  125  n.  4. 

Bahrein,  II.  80  n.  4,  108:s-24,  1092». 

Bajaliyya,  see  Ibn  Warsand. 
al-  Bakli,  II.  24  n.  1,  465,  11116. 

Bakliyya,  II.  111. 

Baragwata  (commonwealth),  I.  47,  II.  49. 

Baran.  town.  II.  Ill  n.  1. 
al-  Bashshar  b.  Burd,  II.  243,  153. 

Baslamiyya,  see  Abu  Salma. 

Ba§ra,  I.  706,  II.  II3,  41',  564-1,  5814,  60",  6630,  n.  3. 
al-Ba§ri,  I.  70%  II.  117f. 

Batiniyya,  II.  175  ",  92  n.  2,  112  n.  3. 
al-  Bavvari,  I.  68  n.  8,  II.  110  f .    See  al-Burani. 

Bayan  b.  Sam'an,  I.  3423,  60  f.,  II.  88,  90'°,  96',  1267. 

Bazig,  I.  34«,  64«,  II.  95wflE.,  11330. 

Bazigiyya,  II.  114n.  1,  118  n.  4. 

Beida,  town,  II.  114M. 

Bekr  al-A'war,  I.  606,  II.  878. 
"      b.  TJkhshub,  II.  HOn.  3. 

Berkukiyya,  II.  119'. 
al-  Bhnki  (?),  I.  66  n.  9,  673,  II.  102  f. 

Bishr  b.       Giyath.  I.  29  ult.,  II.  919. 
"      b.       Khalid.  see  next. 

"       b.  al-Mu'tamir  Abu  Khalid,  I.  5014,  II.  5815. 
Bishriyya,  II.  5819. 


166  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 


see  Abu  Isma'il. 
al-  Buhturi,  I.  679,  II.  10328,  11517. 

Bunan  (II.  88),  see  Bayiin  b.  Sam  Tin. 
al-  Burani,  see  al-Bawari. 

Buraniyya,  II.  110-. 
Burhut,  well,  II.  8518. 
Butriyya,  or  Buteiriyya,  see  al-Abtar. 

Cabbage,  see  Dietary  regulations. 

Cabbala,  II.  81  ff.,  1049. 

Carmathians,  see  Karmatians. 

Christ,  see  Jesus. 

Christians  and  Christianity,  I.  3  n.  1,  II.  10-7,  lllfl.  47',  61",  87*.  91, 

101.    See  Jesus. 
Clementines  (Pseudo-),  the  True  Prophet  (or  Successive  Incarnation  . 

II.  45",  85  f.,  92',  104--,  121lff.,  cf.  I.  60',  6213  ;  Syzygy  (Addnd). 

II.  116,  12713  ff.;  origin  of  evil,  II.  85  n.  3. 

Communism,  of  wives  (and  property),  I.  3717,  704,  II.  1939,  120". 
Companions,  of  Prophet,  hide  Nass,I.  22,  74',  II.  22",  61s-  13  :  declared 

apostates,  I.  741'2,  7918,  II.    22'20,  1421  ;  hated  and  denounced  by 

Sht-a,  I.  354,  II.  41s6  f.,  602%  61"  ,  7513,  1304,  142-147,  155.  158.     C/. 

Abu  Bekr  and  'Omar. 
Concealment,  of  Imam,  see  Gaiba. 

Dahriyya,  I.  45  ult,  II.  46J>8,  54J1. 

Dammiyya,  II.  1021. 

Davvud  al-Hawari  (or  al-Jawari,  or  al-Ja\varibi).  I.  3119.  533,  7553,  II. 

673i  ff  . 
"      b.     Kathir  ar-Rakki,  I.  7553,  II.  1332. 

Death,  claim  to  avoid,  II.  9612,  11326  ff.     See  Abu'l-Khattab. 

Deilam,  province,  II.  335. 

Di'bil,  poet,  II.  145. 

Dietary,  regulations,  entirely  abolished,  see  Precepts  ;  swine  partly 
permitted,  I.  341,  II.  131  ;  cabbage  forbidden.  I.  5314,  II.  736, 
other  vegetables,  II.  7616,  110  f.;  all  fruits  or  vegetables  raised 
in  dung,  I.  55%  II.  7616. 

Dikrweih,  see  Zikrweih. 

Dirarb.  'Amr,  I.  30',  II.  924. 

Discussions,  religious,  forbidden,  I.  3513  ff.,  493  ff.,  II.  15. 

Docetism,  I.  3  n.  1,  II.  29  f.,  1289  ff.     Cf.  I.  45"  f..  72",  II.  50  f.,  119-. 

Druzes,  sect,  II.  1274. 

Du  Manakh,  tribe,  I.  68  n.  8,  II.  HO1*. 

Eliezer,  servant  of  Abraham,  still  alive,  I.  463  f.,  II.  4617,  47n. 
Elijah,  still  alive,  I.  46,  II.  46  ff. 
Exaggerators,  or 
Extremists,  see  Gulat. 

al-  Fadl,  of  Basra,  I.  30'".  II.  II2. 
Faith,  nature  of,  II.  8'>,  9s. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  8/mtes,  etc.  167 

Fakhr  ad-Din  ar-Razi,  II.  6T16,  72  n.  2. 
al-  Faraj  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Haushab,  see  Ibn  Haushab. 

Faris,  province,  I.  451S,  II.  32'°,  4415,  11493. 

Fatima,  I.  72%  II.  2011,  12733  ff.  ;  descendants  of,  see  Imamate. 

Fatimids,  II.  1514,  n.  3.     See  'Ubeidallah. 
al-  Fayyad  b.  'Ali,  I.  66  f.,  II.  102  f.,  1044. 

Fifth,  tax  to  Imam,  I.  638,  II.  9547. 

Gabriel  (Jibril),  I.  56,  807,  II.  77,  84  n.  2. 

Gaiba,  II.  27s,  28.  461,  4731. 

Galiya,  see  Gulat. 

Gifar,  see  Abu  Gifar. 

Gnosticism,  II.  80  ff.,  91",  921. 

God,  attributes,  I.  31'«.  6114,  II.  8825  ;  his  knowledge,  I.  52  penult.,  II. 
66'2-  :  his  will.  I.  5310,  II.  728 ;  anthropomorphistic  conception  of 
(Tashbih),  I.  53l  ff.,  59,  611,  II.  67  f.,  135"  ;  alphabet  used  for 
description  of,  I.  59«,  II.  8123 ;  crown  on  his  head,  I.  59'* 13,  II.  81, 
83 :  the  Greatest  Name  (and  names)  of,  I.  5912,  II.  13",  II.  82  f., 
87-°  ;  more  than  one  God,  II.  88*°,  9027  ff.  See  Imams,  Incarna- 
tion. 

Gulat  and  Guluww,  I.  42  ult.,  55  ff.,  65  ff..  II.  17",  154  ;  original  mean- 
ing of,  II.  126,  145  n.  2  ;  relation  to  Shi'a,  I.  21,  II.  76S1,  11618, 152  ; 
excluded  from  Islam,  I.  55  n.  7,  II.  151  n.  8,  156  n.  1  ;  smuggled 
into  Islam  by  Persians,  II.  16  f.,  by  Jews,  17,  into  Christianity 
by  Paul,  16i8ff.,  17  ;  compared  with  Christians,  II.  101.  See  also 
Imamiyya,  Rawafid,  Shi'a,  Zeidiyya. 

Gurabiyya,  I.  56,  II.  77. 

Guweir,  drinking  place,  I.  67' l,  II.  10334. 

Habashiyya  (II.  94U),  see  Khashabiyya. 

Habib  b.  Aus,  II.  6816. 

Hadith,  see  Traditions. 

Hadramaut,  II.  8519. 

Hajir,  mountain,  I.  43  n.  7,  II.  236. 

Hajj  (Pilgrimage),  I.  68,  II.  107  f. 
al-  Hakam  b.  'Uteiba,  II.  130'. 

Hakamiyya,  see  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam. 

Hakima,  see  Hukeima. 
al-  Hallaj,  I.  3413,  6917,  II.  18",  141,  174,  24  n.  2,  3013,  114  f. 

Hallajiyya,  II.  1319. 
al-  Halwcim,  II.  HO1. 

Hamadan,  city,  II.  128  n.  1. 

Hamdan,  tribe,  I.  68  penult.,  II.  131  n.  1. 

Hamid  b.  al-'Abbas,  I.  6919,  II.  1156. 

Hamrawiyya,  see  Ishak  b.  Muhammed . 

Hamza  b.  'Omara,  II.  901'2,  963. 

Harat,  province,   II.  44-1,  119'. 

Harb  b.  'Abdallah,  II.  125  n.  4. 

Harbiyya,  see  'Abdallah  b.  Harb. 


168  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

al-  Harith  <=Suleim  b.  Mas'ud),  II.  1254. 

"      ash-Sha'ml,  II.  90n. 
Harithiyya,  see  Ishak  b.  Zeid. 
Harranians,  II.  73',  8028. 
Harun  b.  Sa'd,  II.  1061",  n.  5. 
al-  Hasan    b.        Abi  Mansur,  I.  63  n.  10. 

b.       'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib,  II.  25" ;  descendants  of,  I.  555,  II, 
7515>24 ;  and  al-Husein,  I.  584-11,  683,  723,  7513,  II.  113--. 
127;i7  ff.     See  Imamate. 
b.          "      b.  Muhammed  al-'Askari,  I.  48,  58',  76,  II.  52  f., 

127*,  1515,  n.  5. 

"        b.          "      b.  "Warsand,  see  Ibn  Warsand. 
"        b.        Bah  ram.  see  Abu  Sa'id  al-Hasan. 
"        b.        Faraj  b.  Haushab,  see  Ibn  Haushab. 
b.    al-Hasan  b.  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib,  II.  27  n.  4. 
b.        Hayy  (II.  131*),  see  al-H.  b.  Salih. 
b.        Isma'il  b.  al-Husein,  I.  43  n.  11,  II.  32  n.  2. 
b.        Ja'far  an-Nubakhti,  I.  774,  II.  134s. 
b.        Salih  b.  Hayy  (II.  1302(i),  I.  30,  74  f.,  7913,  II.  129,  130  ff. 
Salihiyya,  II.  12921,  131  n.  2. 
Butriyya  (or  Buteiriyya),  see  al-Abtar. 
Hashim  b.  Hakim,  (II.  1201),  see  al-Mukanna'. 
Hashimiyya,  sect,  see  Abu  Hashim. 
Hashimiyya,  city,  II.  12in. 
Hatim  b.  Muhammed,  II.  Ill  n.  1. 

al-  Hattab  and  Hattabiyya  (II.  1127),  see  Abu  '1-Khattab. 
Hayy  and  Hayyan  (=  Salih),  II.  1314. 
Hell,  see  Paradise, 
al-  Hilli,  II.  11624. 

Hindpo,  II.  7614,  9914. 

Hisham  b.  al-Hakam,  I.  632,  74*9,  II.  59*s,  65,  132'° ;  called  Rafidi,  II. 
ISO1  ;  associates  with  a  Kharijite,  II.  10'-,  with 
Mtisa  b.  Ja'far,  II.  5V",  with  al-Hasan  b.  Salify,  I. 
74 ;  disputes  with  Abu  7  Hudeil,  I.  531.  H.^  16-,  67, 
with  Yahya  b.  Khdlid,  102  n.  3  ;  views  on  nature 
of  God,  I.  53»,  II.  67,  on  Kaldm,  I.  31' *,  52'. ",  II. 
66»3,  cf.  74  n.  1,  on  Imamate,  I.  75i2,  II.  65-3  ff.,  cf- 
1339. 

Hishamiyya     (also    referred  to    Hisham    b, 

Salim),  II.  669. 
Hakamiyya.  II.  66  n.  2. 

"        b.  Salim  al-Juwaliki,  I.  75",  II.  15  n.  3,  66:,  132:w. 
Hishamiyya,  see  preceding  name. 
Hukeima,  I.  48'°,  II.  58«. 
Hulul,  see  Incarnation. 

Hululiyya,  II.  18". 
Humeima,  in  Palestine,  II.  891. 
Hureith  b.  Mas'ud,  see  Mas'tid  b.  Hureith. 


Vol.  xxix.l         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  169 

al-Husein    b.       Abi  Mansur,  I.  6310. 

b.       'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib,  I.  531S,  II.  395,  7212  ;  revenge  for,  II. 
93  n.  1,  946-  12 :  pilgrimage  to,  II.  107  n.  1  ;  descend- 
ants of,  I.  75'",  II.  11318.    See  al-Hasanb.  'Ali  b.  A.  T. 
'•        b.       Faraj  b.  Haushab,  see  Ibn  Haushab. 
b.       IsnuVil  b.  Ibrahim,  I.  43'%  II.  81",  329. 
b.  al-Jarah,  I.  70  n.  2. 
'•        b.       Mansur,  see  al-Hallaj. 

b.       Muhammed  an-Najjar,  I.  29",  II.  9IS. 
b.       'Ubeidallah,  I.  70  n.  2,  II.  117". 
Huseiniyya  (II.  93  n.  1.  9412),  see  Khashabiyya. 

Ibadiyya,  Kharijite  sect,  II.  93i. 

Iblis,  I.  344,  II.  133,  1161. 

Ibn      'Abbad  Kafi'l-Kufat,  II.  71I:i, 

Abi  'Aun,  I.  70  n.  2,  II.  11714. 
"    al-'Arabi,  I.  12,  II.  4734. 
'Ayash,  I.  68.  II.  1081. 

Babuye  (cf.  II,  3),  II.  2633,  n.  1.  3018. 

Dawud,  II,  U71. 
"     al-Farakid  (I.  69  n.  11,  II.  11523),  see  ash-Shalmagani. 

Hamid  (I.  69  n.  9),  see  Hatnid  b.  al-'Abbas. 
'•    al-Hanafiyya.  see  Muhammed  b.  al-H. 

Haushab,  I.  6820,  n.  8,  II.  109. 

Hazm,  life,  I.  9  ff.;  writings,  I.  11  f.;  truthfulness,  I.  15.  40  f,, 
II.  21'6:  Zahirite,  I.  38  f.,  II.  11s',  20^,  12815 ;  view  on 
origin  of  Sht'a,  I.  35  f.,  II.  16  f.,  on  division  of  its  sects, 

I.  21  ff..  on  attributes  of  God,  II.  88";  pamphlet  against 
heterodox  sects,  I.  16  f.,  39'  :  misrepresents al-Ash'ari,  II. 
91,  quotes  a\-Jdhiz,  II.  43  n.  5  ;  plagiarized  by  airMakrizi, 

II.  8  n.  3,  161'. 

Mitham  (II.  60  n.  2),  see  'Ali  b.  M. 

Mukaffa',  II.  5619. 

Mumlik  al-Isfahttni,  II.  133  n.  1. 

Nawus  (I.  44  n.  9),  see  Navvus. 

'•'    an-Nu'man  (II.  157  n.  4),  see  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far  b.  an-N. 
"    ar-Rawandi,  see  ar-Rawandi. 

Saba,  see  'Abdallah  b.  S. 
"    as-Sauda  (II.  183S),  see  'Abdallah  b.  Saba. 

Shadan,  II.  59:5. 

'•  ash-Shalmagan.  see  ash-Shalmagani. 
"     at-Tammar  (I.  79  n.  4).  see  at-Tammar. 

Waki'  al-Buniini,  II.  88  n.  2. 

Warsand  al-Bajali,  I.  54  f.,  II.  75. 
Bajaliyya.  ib. 

Zubeir,  I.  754,  II.  94  n.  1. 
Ibrahim  b.       Ahmad,  see  Ibn  Abi  'Aun. 
"        b.  al-Ashtar,  II.  931U,  n.  1  [add  &.]. 


170  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Idris  b.  Muhammed,  II.  75". 

Idrisids,  II.  7529. 

<Ijl,  tribe,  II.  793',  80  n.  4,  89,  972. 

Ijma',  I.  31',  II.  II29,  16". 

Ilak,  mountains,  II.  ISO23. 
al-'Ilba  b.  Dim-  (II.  10133),  see  'Ulyan. 

'Ilba'iyya,  or  'Ilbaniyya,  II.  10129. 

Ilham,  see  Inspiration. 

llhamiyya,  II.  5480. 

Imams,  divinity  of,  I.  3416,  683,  II.  1329, 10119,  112*%  11320,  152;  super- 
natural knowledge  of,  II.  3319,  3485,  54  f.,  105  f.;  "speaking"  and 
"silent,"  II.  9236, 112  n.  3  ;  twelve  (II.  78'25),  see  Ithna'ashariyya  : 
seven  (II.  79;),  see  Sab'iyya. 

Imamate,  fundamental  doctrine  of  Shfra,  I.  3128,  of  Khawarij,  I.  32-  : 
book  on,  by  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far  b.  an-Nu'mdn,  I.  5017,  II.  58-" : 
theory  of,  see  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam  ;  depends  on  personal  qualifi- 
cation, according  to  Zeidiyya  (and  Keisdniyya,  II.  34'J3),  or  heredi- 
tary and  depends  on  Nass,  according  to  Imdmiyya,  I.  22,  74  f.,  II. 
22,  1299,  13221,  138-142;  of  Inferior,  II.  141  n.  8,  149  n.  4,  155  n.  1; 
of  Kureish,  I.  74J5,  II.  1323,  1533,  157  penult.,  outside  of  Kureish  I. 
33",  II.  1329 ;  of  descendants  of  Ja'far  b.  Abi  Talib,  II.  45'  ;  of 
Abu  Bekr,  II.  602 ;  of  'AH  only,  s.v.,  refuted  by  Ibn  Hazm, 
II.  1352li  ff.  ;  of  all  descendants  of  'AK,  I.  75s,  II.  355,  1305,  cf.  I. 
61  ult.,  or  those  of  Fdtima  (both  according  to  Zeidiyya).  I.  23.  II. 
2233,  13130,  132,  15614,  157  n.  6 ;  of  descendants  of  al-Hnsein  only 
(Imdmiyya),  s.v.  al-Husein  b.  'Ali ;  of  those  of  al-Hasan  only. 
s.  v.  ;  of  Muhammed  b.  al'Hanafiyya  (Keisdniyya),  I.  5811-16,  77'-. 
II.  34-°,  7913,  and  his  son  Abu  Hdshim,  I.  61ls,  II.  35n,  448,  who 
bequeathed  it  to  'Abbasids,  II.  89:J,  118",  12129,  12316.  See  also 
'All  b.  Abi  Talib,  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed,  Keisaniyya,  Zeidiyya. 

Imamiyya,  -I.  44-55,  57 ;  founder  of,  II.  60-5 ;  reject  Abu  Bekr  and 
'Omar,  s.v.,  and  denounce  Companions,  s.v.,  cf.  II.  12732,  hence 
called  Rawdfid,  s.v.  ;  —Ithnd'ashuriyya,  II.  151s,  n.  6 ;  believe  in 
Mahdi,  s.v.  ;  in  interpolation  of  Koran,  s.v.,  in  Badd,  II.  72-1  ; 
claim  Inspiration,  s.v.;  and  Sunna,  II.  151 ;  and  Mu'tazila^  s.v.; 
and  ShPa,  I.  3013,  II.  158  :  and  Keisdniyya,  I.  23,  II.  34 ;  and 
Zeidiyya,  II.  149,  see  Imamate;  and  Guldt,  I.  55-*,  II.  181,  7630,  151 
f.  ;  against  Guldt,  II.  8015,  91,  113',  1331,  see,  however,  II.  86-°, 
116'22 ;  against  Docetism,  II.  30U,  43  n.  3  ;  men  designated  as,  II. 
41  n.  2,  6619.  See  Rawafid,  Shi'a,  Zeidiyya. 

Incarnation,  I.  3412,  371,  II.  1328,  1262,  152  ;  borrowed  from  Christian- 
ity, I.  3  n.  1,11.  10123;  of  Abu  Muslim,  II.  118,  al-Basri,  117-'9, 
a\-Halldj,  13-°,  115  n.  1,  sl-Mukanna' ,  12013:  successive,  see  Clem- 
entines. 

Inspiration,  claim  of,  I.  3514.  494,  II.  168,  54  f. 

'Irak,   I.  4  f.,  II.  4313,  80,  14113,  145  n.  2.     See  Babylonia, 

'Isa  b.  MCisa,  I.  434,  68',  II.  234,  108". 
"    b.  Zeid,  II.  98",  1319. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  171 

Isbahan,  I.  4516,  II.  44t6,  45  n.  2,  46*,  1222S  ff.,  145  n.  2. 
al-Isbahani,  I.  68  n.  7,  II.  108  f. 

Ishak,  agitator  for  Aba  Muslim,  II.  102  n.  4,  11913. 
"        b.  Ibrahim  b.  Mus'ab,  I.  4316.  II.  323.8. 

b.  Kandaj,  I.  676  ['Abdallah  is  oversight],  II.  103". 
b.  Muhammed  al-Ahmar,  I.  66' 9.  II.  102  f. 

Ishakiyya,  II.  10213,  n.  4,  127-"  ff.,  1285. 
Hamrawiyya,  II.  10214. 
"        b.  'Omar,  II.  102  n.  4. 

Ishakiyya,  ib. 
b.  Suweid,  II.  43». 
b.  Zeid  al-Harith,  II.  12513  ff. 

Harithiyya,  ib. 

Ishakiyya,  1)  see  Ishak  b.  Muhammed  ;  2)  see  Ishak  b.  'Omar. 
Isma'il  b.  'Abdallah  ar-Ru'aini,  II.  135. 
"         al-Bittikhi  (II.  II'26),  see  Abu  Isma'il. 

b.  Ja'far,  I.  451,  763,  n.  1,  II.  402,  51*',  1332S. 

Isma'iliyya,  I.  371'2,  II.  19'27,  20%  51«,  1332',  15t2. 
Ithua'ashariyya,  I.  58,  II.  40  n"  2,  52,  78"  ff.,  13332,  150  n.  6,  151,  152 

n.  4. 
lyad.  Kadi,  II.  6925. 

al-Jabia,  in  Syria,  II.  8550. 

Jabir  b.  Yazid  al-Ju'fi,  I.  60s.  II.  2334,  24',  86".  87?7. 
Ja'far  b.  'All,  uncle  of  the  Mahdi,  I.  76"  ff.,  II.  1343. 

"  b.  Muhammed  Abu  'Abdallah  as-Sadik,  II.  411C;  and  his  son 
Ismd'il,  II.  13328 :  commanding  position  in  Shi'a,  II. 
104  ff . ;  esteemed  also  by  Sunna,  II.  792, 10513 ;  one  of  the 
twelve  Imams.  I.  58s ;  Imam  instead  of  Zeid  b.  'AH,  II. 
139 ;  his  Imamate  unanimously  acknowledged,  I.  685, 
7520  ff.,  II.  5110,  10426,  18231,  1511;  dissension  after  his 
death,  I.  76-  ff.,  II.  899 ;  is  still  alive  and  will  return,  I.  44 
penult.,  766, 1129 ;  divinity  of,  I.  691,  II.  974,  112,  114  n.  1  : 
omniscient,  II.  106:  hajj  in  his  honor,  s.  v. ;  apocryphal 
utterances  (cf .  II.  1054)  against :  allegorical  interpreta- 
tion of  Koran,  II.  1 4- 1-3-,  religious  discussions,  II.  1518ff., 
Badd,  7226,  Tafwid,  9l15,  supernatural  knoidcdge  of 
Imams,  10524,  Musawiyya,  40  n.  2,  'Omar,  651,  Zeidiyya, 
15916,  Mugira  b.  Sa'td,  8016,  Abu  'l-Khattdb,  113,  ash- 
Shalmagdm,  1171.  and  other  Guldt,  903,  96'  ff.;  men 
belonging  to  his  circle,  II.  41  n.  2,  5915,  60  n.  3,  65.  66  n. 
1,  91  n.  1,  13353. 

Ja'fariyya,  II.  804,  10712. 

Jafr,  book  attributed  to  Ja'far,  II.  106,  11220. 
al-Jahiz,  I.  50,  II.  56  ff.,  10435,  121",  1243,  14819. 
Jahiziyya,  II.  56'°' 30. 

Jahm  b.  Safwan,  I.  2915  ff.',  3116,  II.  732,  815,  1439,  15'2,  743. 
Jahmiyya,  II.  84. 


172  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Janad,  in  Yemen,  II.  HO5. 

Janahiyya,  see  Mu'awiya  b.  'Abdallah. 

Jannaba,  town,  II.  108n  ff. 

Jarir  b.  Keis,  II.  4319. 

Jaririyya,  see  Suleiman  b.  Jarir. 

Jarudiyya,  see  Abu  '1-Jarud. 
al-Jauzi,  Jamal  ad-Din,  II.  69  n.  1. 

Jehuda  Halevi,  II.  10416. 

Jesus,  return  at  end  of  Time,  I.  4715,  II.  37",  4915 ;  divinity  of,  I.  62". 
IT.  It10,  1631,  17",  90  f.  ;  unreal  (Docetism),  II.  29  ;  miracles,  II. 
82  n.  2 ;  compared  with  'Alt,  I.  6615,  II.  101,  with  the  Mahdi,  II. 
5235,  53  f.,  with  Muhammed,  II.  2419-  54.  Cf.  Christianity. 

Jews,  Jewish,  and  Judaism,  believe  in  miracles  of  Jesus,  s.  v.  :  bribed 
Paul  II,  16-16.  1716,  n.  4;  and  Shi'a,  II.  19,  95'-.  135:'1S ;  and  Guldt, 
s.v.  ;  and  Badd,  II.  72-4  ;  and  Tashbih,  II.  13519 ;  believe  in 
Immortals,  I.  46,  II.  46  ff.  :  sects,  II.  90"  ;  Jewish  illustrations, 
II.  85\  9618.  See  'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  Cabbala,  Messiah. 

Joshua,  see  'Ali. 
al-Jubba'i,  II.  58-3,  6626 ;  cf.  10819. 

al-Ka'bi,  II.  574. 

Kadar  (Free  Will),  II.  915'2ti. 

Kafsa,  district  and  town,  I.  5414,  II.  7531. 

Kalam,  doctrine,  II.  12*,  665,  73:i4. 

Kanbar,  I.  66l°,  II.  99:«  ff. 

Karakiriyya,  sect,  see  ash-Shalmagani. 

Karbiyya,  see  Abu  Karb. 

Karmatians.  I.  3713,  58'°,  68",  II.  19!i,  aO4,  54-°,  13330 :  emissaries  of, 
II.  17s  ff.,  95",  9719,  108  ff.  ;  seven  Imams  of,  II.  79s,  901  ;  believe 
in  Transmigration,  II.  6413  ;  dietary  restrictions  of,  II.  734  :  fifty 
prayers  of,  s.  v. 

Karramiyya,  see  Muhanamed  b.  Karram. 
al-Kashshi,  II.  4  n.  2. 
al-Kasim  b.  ' Abdallah  (or  '  Utjeidallah)  b.  Suleiman,  I.  671S,  II.  1041. 

Kastilia,  province  in  North  Africa,  I.  5415,  II.  7510,  76'. 

Kathir  an-Nawwa,  II.  12931.     See  al-Abtar. 

Kat'iyya,  see  Kit^i'iyya. 

Kaze  keiman  dat,  town,  II.  ISO9. 

Keisan,  II.  33. 

"      Abu  'Omra,  I.  44*,  77'",  II.  34. 

Keisaniyya,  origin,  II.  33  f.  ;  position  within 
Shi-a,  I.  23,  II.  34  f.,  155,  156  n.  3:  accept  Imamate  of  'Ali, 
al-Hasan,  al-Husein  and  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya,  I.  5812,  771?, 
II.  7911  ff . ;  the  latter  hidden  in  Radwa.  I.  44*  ff . ,  77  ult. ,  II.  252S  ff . , 
35  ff.,  9519 ;  use  wooden  arms  only,  hence  called  Khashabiyya, 
I.  63',  n.  1,  II.  93  ff.:  believe  in  Bada,  I.  53'°,  II.  721-,  in  Transmi- 
gration. I.  34",  525,  II.  63-9,  6414,  in  eternity  of  world,  I.  5411 :  fac- 
tions among,  I.  4511  ff.,  II.  35.  44',  102  n,  4,  118  n.  3,  12130.  See 
Imamate.  7,eidiyya. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  173 

Kelb,  tribe,  II.  9720. 
al-Kelbi,  II.  25",  100  n.  2. 
al-Khadir,  prophet.  I.  46  f.,  II.  47",  48,  498, 

Khalid  b.  'Abdallah  al-Kasri,  I.  59',  60,  651  (cf.  II.  97*),  II.  79  f.,  86  f., 
10024,  10714. 

Khamt,  mother  of  Mahdi,  II.  54'°. 

Kharbiyya,  see  'Abdallah  b.  al-Kharb. 

Khashabiyya,  see  Keisaniyya. 

Kha^tabiyya,  see  Abu  'l-Khat^ab. 

Khawarij,  I.  3014,  31  penult.,  33'-  -3,  II.  928,  766,  932,  15910. 

Khidash,  I.  36",  655,  II.  98. 

Khindif  al-Asadt,  II.  425  [Khandak  is  oversight],  9421. 

Khorasan,  I.  44  n.  1,  65  n.  5.  II.  10P,  11814,  119%  122-3,  123''-  29,  12834, 

Khurramiyya,  II.  1939,  119«. 

Kisfiyya,  see  Abu  Mansur. 

Kitti'iyya,  I.  47'9  ff.,  II.  268,  40s1,  49  if. 

Koran,  interpolated  (Tabdil),  I.  5018,  51  f.,  II.  603,  61  ff.,  153  n.  6,  cf. 
also  I.  33-'7,  II.  121!) ;  allegorical  interpretation  of,  I.  35,  73  n.  2, 
II.  141S,  4513,  107  ;  in  Berberic  language,  II.  49". 

KSR  (?)  (I.  68  n.  7),  see  al-Isbahani. 

Kufa,  'Alt  in,  II.  393,  43  n.  3,  78s,  99-'3,  al-Mukhtdr  in.  II.  93.  Muham- 
med  b.  al-Kasim.  II.  S34;  Yahya  b.  'Omar,  I.  43",  Zeid  b.  'AK, 
II.  138  f..  Zenj,  I.  65  n.  2  :  'All  b.  Mitham,  II.  60SO,  sal-Hasan  b. 
Sdlih,  I.  74  ult..  II.  131",  Hisham  b.  al-Hakam,  I.  633,  74  ult.,  II, 
6513.  n.  4,  67',  1'on  Haushab,  I.  68  n.  8 ;  people  of,  known  as  stingy 
and  treacherous,  II.  140  n.  6.  ;  Gulat  in,  I.  626,  64,  68  f.,  712,  II. 
7936,  89W,  974,  107  ;  Persian  spoken  in,  II.  78'°. 

Kureish,  II.  3980,  89"  ?  906.     See  Imamate. 

Kuthayyir.  II.  13438:  Keisanite,  I.  7714,  II.  25",  35",  7915 :  Keisanitic 
poem  ascribed  to  him  (or  as-Sayyid),  II.  38  f.  ;  Khashabi,  II.  949a, 
9516 ;  believes  in  his  own  return,  II.  248,  27  n.  2,  in  Transmigration' 
II.  26-",  27  n.  4,  456 ;  aids  Khindif,  II.  425  ;  denounces  Companions, 
II.  143  f. 

llamas,  tribe.  II.  75s. 

Logic,  elimination  of,  from  religion,  II.  15. 

Luminaries,  creation  of,  I.  59- ',  II.  84:!"  ff. 

Madain,  city,  I.  43IS,  n.  6. 
al-Mada'ini,  II.  5718. 

Maghrib,  Karmatians  in,  II.  109  ff. 
Magus,  tribe,  II.  757. 
Mahdi,  Caliph,  II.  3918,  131". 

—Messiah,     s.   v.,   cf.    I.    3619 :   of  the  Ithnd'ashariyya,   see 
Muhammed    b.   al-Hasan  b.    'Ali ;   traditions  about,   II. 
30:«  ff..  53'*ff. 
al-Makrizi,  I.  7.  II.  (4).  8'4.  1614. 


174  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Malchizedek,  I.  46',  II.  46  f. 
Malikiyya,  II.  761S,  11711. 

al-Mamtura,  sect  (=  Mtisawiyya),  I.  4416,  II.  40,  51U,  CO31. 
al-Ma'mun,  Caliph,  II.  59". 

Mandsean,  influence,  I.  4,  II.  80  ff.,  841S,  87-9. 
Mani?  II.  8025. 

Manichaean,  influence,  I.  4,  II.  29  f.,  80,  87',  1048. 
al-Mansur,  Caliph,  I.  70  penult.,  II.  100  f.,  118",  119s.  121'-  ff.,  125  n.  4, 

140  n.  3. 

'        an-Namari,  poet,  II.  153  n.  6. 
"      ,  title  of  Karmatian  missionary -in-chief,  II.  109. 
Mansuriyya,  see  Abu  Mansur. 
Marcus,  Gnostic,  II.  82'. 
Marriage,  with  forbidden  relations,  1.  33-5,  II.  1216 ;  with  nine  wives, 

I.  5313,  cf.  II.  73'. 

al-Masa'il  an-Nasiriyya,  book,  II.  29  footnote. 
Masamida  (or  Masmuda),  tribe,  I.  54J6,  II.  7610. 
Mas'ud  b.  Hureith,  II.  Ill5-  10. 
Mawali,  II.  34,  9416,  107  n.  2. 
Mazdak,  I.  3715,  II.  1935,  1201. 

Mazdakiyya,  II.  1937,  20-. 
Medina,  I.  433,  II.  39  n.  2. 
Meimun  al-Kaddah,  II.  112  n.  3. 

Meimuniyya,  ib. 

Meimfiniyya,  Kharijite  sect,  II.  12">-  19. 
Mekka,  I.  53  n.  1,  II.  42«,  67,  943,  n.  1. 
Merv.  city,  I.  70  n.  7,  II.  1191,  120s. 

Messiah,  and  Messianism,  I.  3  n.  1,  454,  II.  36  ff.,  4314,  94- 7  ff. 
Metempsychosis,  see  Transmigration  of  Souls. 
Methusalem,  I.  46  n.  1,  II.  46",  n.  8. 
Miklas  b.  Abi  '1-Khattab,  see  Abu  '1-Khattab. 

Milal  wa'n-Nihal,  literature  on.  I.  5:  by  Ibn  Hazm,  literary  char- 
acter of,  I.  12  ff.,  manusci'ipts  of,  17  ff.,  compared  with  work  of 
ash-Shahrastani,  16. 
Mimiyya,  II.  1034. 
Mithani  at-Tammar,  II.  60'°. 
Moses,  II.  701S,  116%  13531. 
Mu'ainmar,  I.  649,  6914,  II.  963-  -\  114"  ff. 

Mu'ammariyya,  II.  74",  113s',  11411. 
b.  'Abbad,  II.  11413. 
Mu'awiya,  Caliph,  I.  75",  II.  145  n.  2,  14819. 

"  b.  'Abdallah  Du'1-Janahein,  II.  27  n.  4,  4455,  454,  n.  2. 

Janahiyya,  II  4424. 
Mufaddal-  as-Seirafi,  II.  96'-6. 
Mufawwida,  sect,  see  Tafwid. 

al-Mugira  b.  'Sa'id,  I.  34'21,  59  f..  II.  31s,  79  ff.,  90l°,  96s ;  called  SaM'i, 
II.  10027  30.      See  Rawafid. 


Vol.  xxix.J         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  175 

•> 

Mugiriyya,  II.  87",  n.  2,  96%  153'";  terrorists, 
I.  6219,  II.  92"  ;  hajj  in  honor  of  Ja'far  as-Sddik,  II.  10713  ; 
relation  to  Khattabiyya,  II.  9713. 
al-Mugira  b.  Shu'ba,  II.  140  n.  1. 
Muhallab,  II.  93-°. 

Muhammed,  the  Prophet,  resembled  'Alt,  I.  56,  II.  77  f.,  hence  mis- 
taken for  him,  ib.  ;  apostle  of  'AH,  but  usurped  prophecy,  I.  66 
ult.  (cf.  I.  56),  II.  102%  116s,  12718 ;  responsible  for  strife  about 
Imamate,  I.  55n,  804,  cf.  II.  76" ;  divinity  of,  I.  67*,  68%  II.  102  f., 
Demiurge,  91s ;  return  of,  II.  2414,  25  n.  1  ;  stops  sun,  II.  694,  71". 
See  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib,  Mystic  lore. 

Muhammediyya,  believe  in  his  divinity,  I.  67', 

II.  102  f. 
Muhanimed  b.     'Abdallah,  Katib,  I.  47*,  II.  4823. 

b.  b.  al-Hasan,  I.  431  ff.,  6010,  n.  5,  643,  II. 

233,  30",  319,  8614,  87. 
Muhammediyya,  II.  8615,  102  n.  5. 
b.  b.  Tahir,  I.  4313,  II.  31*. 

b.     'Abd  as-Salam,  called  Shukk  al-Leil,  I.  473  [see  II. 

48' '],  II.  4816,  n.  1. 
b.     Abi  Zeinab,  see  Abu'l-Khattab. 
b.     'Ali  b.          'Abdallah  b.  al-'Abbas,  II.  12315. 
b.       "    b.          Abi  Talib,  see  M.  b.  al-Hanafiyya. 
b.       "     b.     al-Husein   al-Bakir,  I.   58%  64-,  684,  75-",  II. 

22s,  80",  9533,  139. 

b.       "     b.          Musa,  I.  48'°,  58«,  76s. 
b.       "     b.   an-Nu'man  (II.  596),  see  M.  b.  Ja'far. 
b.       "     b.  ash-Shalmagan,  see  ash-Shalmagani. 
b.  al-Fadl.  see  'Ali  b.  al-F. 
b.        Habib.  II.  109s4. 

b.  al-Hanafiyya,  significance  of  name,  II.  53  n.  3  ;  wor- 
shipped by  Keisaniyya,  s.v. ;  defended  by  Khasha- 
biyya,  II.  94:! ;  supernatural  knowledge  of,  II.  33, 
cf.  12*. 

b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali,  Mahdi  of  Ithnd'ashariyya,  I.  47  f., 
581,  76,  II.  52  ff.,  6111  ;    "man  of  the  cellar,1'  IL 
27",  134'--'ff.,  cf.  I.  77  n.  7. 
b.        Ishak  b.  Ibrahim,  II.  328. 
b.        IsmjHl  b.  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed,  Mahdi  of  Sab'iyya 

(and  Karmatians),  I.  589,  6816,  II.  79s,  10S14. 
b.        Ja'far  b.         Muhammed,  I.  763. 
b.  •'     b.  an-Nu'mau,  called  Sheitanat-Tak,  I.  3119, 

50  f.,  75  penult,  II.  15  n.  3,  59,  65  n/2,  150*,  157 
n.  4. 

Nu'maniyya,  II.  5913. 
Sheitaniyya,  II.  591:1,  66-4. 
b.        Karram,  I.  29"  ff.,  II.  8-,  9". 

Karramiyya,  II.  85. 
b.  al-Kasim  b.  'Ali,' I.  44',  II.  32'  •  ff. 


176  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

* 
Muhammed  b.  an-Nu'man,  see  M.  b.  Ja'far  b.  an-N\ 

b.        Nuseir,  II.  127*. 

"  b.        Salih  b.  Mu'awiya,  II.  45  n.  2. 

"  b.        Wrstd,  see  Ibn  War  sand, 

b.        Ya'kub.  II.  42'-8  f. 

Ya'kiibiyya,  ib. 

"  b.        Zakariyya  ar-Razi,  II.  64". 

Muhammediyya  :  1)  see  Muhammed,  the  Prophet ;  see  Muhammed  b. 

'Abdallah  b.  al-Hasan. 

Mujabbira  (or  Mujbara),  sect,  II.  9",  II2",  88  n.  2. 
al-Mukaddasi.  on  number  of  sects,  I.  6  :  and  Shi'a,  II.  145  n.  2. 
al-Mukanna',  I,  369.  709,  II.  120  f. 

Mukatil  b.  Suleiman,  I.  3l17,  II.  II30,  67'°. 
al-Mukhtar  b.  Abi  'Ubeid,  I.  441,  5813,  7710,  II.  17*.  33  f.,  72,  79",  93  f. 

Mukktariyya,  II.  33<25,  7918. 

Mu'min  at-Tak  (II.  59'-),  see  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far  b.  an-Nu'man. 
Murji'a,  sect,  I.  29"»,  31%  32,  34*.  II.  7-:i- 30,  II31,  212',  152  penult. 
Musa  b.  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed  al-Kcizim.  I.  4416.  53%  76%  II.  39U,  1515. 

IMusawiyya.  II.  40,  50  ff.,  60«,  !&'. 
Mus'ab,  II.  9315. 

Mushabbiha,  sect,  II.  9:.     Cf.  Tashbih. 
Muslimiyya,  see  Abu  Muslim. 
al-Mu'tadid,  Caliph,  1.    67s,  77-s. 
al-Mu'tasim,        "       II.  32is. 
al-Mutawakkil,   "      II.  156in. 

Mu'tazila,  I.  29-'4,  3l12.  321S.  33  penult.,  II.  9,  2131 ;  origin  of  name,  II. 
138  n.  1  ;  Transmigration,  II.  63-6,  other  doctrines.  II.  6<r'6.  93'  ; 
and  Shi'a,  II.  II33  ff.,  and  Imdmiyya.  ll:i%  cf.  63n,  and  Zeidiyya 
II3'  ff. 

Muzaffar  b.  Ardshir,  see  Abu  Mansur  Muzaffar. 

Mystic  lore  (supernatural  knowledge),  of  Muhammed.  I.  38,  II.  201'2, 
of  'AH,  II.  33,  of  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya.  II.  33  f.  See  Imams. 

Nafaliyya.  see  Bakliyya. 

Naf^a.  city  in  district  of  Kafsa.  s.v. 
an-Nahkini  (II.  10319),  see  al-Bhnki. 

Nahliyya  (  =  Bajaliyya,  I.  54  n.  6,  n.  8),  see  Ibn  Warsand. 
an-Najjar.  1)  see  al-Husein  b.  Muhammed  :  2)  see  Ibn  Haushab. 

Nakaliyya,  see  Bakliyya. 

Name,  of  God,  s.v.;  of  'AH,  I.  53  penult..  II.  73;  identical  with  that 
of  Prophet,  II.  53,  87" ;  allusions  to,  found  in  Koran,  I.  6116,  62s, 
II.  88",  cf.  I.  35,  II.  14. 

Narjis,  mother  of  Mahdi,  I.  48l:i,  7616,  II.  5410. 

Nasariyya.  citadel,  II.  126i3. 

Naskh  ("abrogation").  II.  72'"  \ 

Nasriyya  (II.  126i7').  see  Nuseiriyya. 


Vol.  xxix.J         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  177 

Nass,  written  bequest,  of  Muhammed  to  'All,  I.  22,  73  ff.,  II.  66S1, 
1585;  of  or  through  'AK  to  al-Hasan  and  al-Husein,  I.  7514,  II. 
13229,  to  Muhammed  b.  al-Hanafiyya,  II.  34  n.  3  ;  of  Ja'far  as-Sddik 
to  one  of  his  sons,  II.  13233 ;  hidden  by  Companions,  s.v. ;  point  of 
issue  between  Imamiyya  and  Zeidiyya,  see  Imamate. 

Nawasib,  nickname  for  opponents  of  SM'a,  II.  159. 

Nawus,  I.  4420,  II.  41. 

Nawusiyya,  ib. 
an-Nazzam,  I.  5014,  512,  II.  II14,  565,  5714,  58, 6024,  649,  74  n.  1. 

Nisabur,  I.  736,  II.  1235. 

Nisba,  influence  of,  on  enumeration  of  sects,  I.  7  f . ;  artificial  forma- 
tion of,  II.  119n.  2. 

Nisibis,  II.  93". 

Nu'maniyya,  see  Muhammed  b.  Ja'far  b.  an-Nu'man. 

Nuseiri,  II.  1275. 

Nuseiriyya,  I.  71  f.,  II.  18SO,  10213,  118",  126  ff. 

'Omar,  see  Abu  Bekr. 
Omayya  b.  Abi  Salt,  II.  28  n.  1. 
'Omeir  at-Tabban,  I.  6410,  II.  9628. 

'Omeiriyya,  II.  97s. 
Osrushna,  province,  II.  101  n.  1. 
•Othman,  Caliph,  interpolated  Koran,  II.  6128  ff.  ;  uprising  against, 

I.  3710,  II.  1924 ;  hated  by  Imamiyya,  I.  52  n.  5,  and  Khawarij, 

II.  6424,  while  Zeidiyya  vacillating,  see  I.  74",  II.  129SO,  13215 
and  12926,  1304,  139  n.  1. 

"    al-  Khashabi,  II.  9319. 

Paradise,  nine  enter  while  alive,  II.  4712 ;  and  Hell  will  decay,  I. 
549,  II.  15',  73  f.,  cf.  752. 

Paul,  apostle,  see  Gulat.     . 

Persians,  and  Shi' a,  I.  35  f.,  II.  16  ;  and  al-Mukhtdr,  II.  941  ;  absorb 
'Ijl,  II.  80  n.  4  ;  derogate  'All,  II.  789  ;  call  themselves  "sons" 
and  "nobles,"  I.  35  ult.,  II.  185 ;  Persian  language,  II.  9022,  9396, 
cf.  789. 

Phinehas,  still  alive,  I.  466,  II.  4612,  4723. 

Pilgrimage,  see  Hajj. 

Prayers,  two  a  day,  I.  3324  ;  seventeen  (or  nineteen),  I.  374,  n.  3,  714, 
n.  4,  II.  1265 ;  fifty,  I.  372,  II.  1829. 

Precepts,  religious,  saints  exempt  from,  I.  34n,  371,  733,  II.  1316,  1415 ; 
have  inner  meaning,  I.  35,  II.  14,  107,  1295;  abolished  by  AbH 
Manstir,  I.  6217,  by  Hdrithiyya,  II.  12514,  by  Imamiyya,  6120,  by 
Karmatians,  1095,  by  Khattabiyya,  14, 11215,  by  o\-Mukannal ,  12025 

Prophecy,  can  be  acquired,  I.  846,  II.  138 ;  inadmissible  after  Muham- 
med, I.  47",  55  n.  7,  56',  II.  49,  7638,  929 ;  True  Prophet,  see  Clem- 
entines. 

Ptahil,  deity  of  Mandaeans,  II.  8425. 
VOL.  xxix.  12 


178  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

ar-Radi,  Caliph,  I.  70  n.  2. 

Radwa,  mountain,  I.  43  n.  7,  4410,  77  ult.,  II.  35  ff.,  3913,  9518. 

Raj'a,  see  Return  ;  miscellaneous  uses  of  word,  II.  28  n.  1. 
ar-  Rashid,  Caliph,  II.  3919,  58*8. 

Ray,  city,  I.  78  n.  2,  II..  13433 ;  mountains,  II.  11915. 

Rawafid,  term,  see  Appendix  A;  different  forms  of  word,  II.  137, 
origin,  138  ff.,  supposed  to  have  been  coined  by  al-Mugira  b.  Sa'id, 
139  f.,  coined  by  Zeid  b.  'Alt,  139, 1414,  142  n.  6,  derogatory  mean- 
ing of,  138  n.  1,  140  n.  3  ;="  repudiators"  (of  Abti  Bekr  and 
'Omar  and  Companions),  II.  64  f.,  142  ff.;  and  SM'a,  II.  146  ff.; 
applied  to  Keisaniyya,  II.  156  n.  3,  to  Imamiyya  (excluding 
Zeidiyya),  I.  4415,  4719,  II.  148  ff.,  to.  Itlmd'ashariyya,  151,  to 
Gulat  151  ff.,  to  a/rShiitic  sects  (including  Zeidiyya),  154  ff.: 
acknowledge  Imamate  of  Ja'far  as-Sadik,  II.  10428,  150  ult.;  are 
no  Muslims,  II.  628,  1536;  compared  with  Jews,  II.  19-°,  with 
Christians,  142  n.  2,  worse  than  Jews  and  Christians,  1444,  cf.  7?13. 
See  Shi'a. 

Rawand,  near  Isbah&n,  II.  122S6;=Riwand  (in  Khorasan)),  II.  123. 
ar-Rawandi,  II.  123  f . 

Rawandiyya,  I.  7013,  II.  1003-,  121  ff.,  153". 

Reappearance,  see  Return. 

Resurrection,  denied,  II.  4519,  74s*. 

Return,  after  death  (Raj'a),  I.  34  ult.,  II.  23-28,  50  f.,  8613,  11496. 
Raj'iyya,  II.  24',  255. 

Riwand,  see  Rawand. 
ar-Riwandi  (II.  12324),  see  Rawandiyya. 

Rizamb.  Sabik,  II.  11814. 

Rizamiyya,  II.  118  f.,  120U,  12410.18. 

Rububadiyya,  see  Abu'l-' Abbas. 

Rustem  b.  Huseiu  b.  Haushab,  see  Ibn  Haushab. 
•'       b.  Karhin  b.  Haushab,  see  Ibn  Haushab. 

Saba'iyya,  see  'Abdallah  b.  Saba. 
Sabbab,  II.  42  n.  1. 

Sabbabiyya,  ib. 

Sabbabiyya,  or  Sababiyya  (H.  17  n.  1,  41  f.),  see  Saba'iyya. 

Sabuyya,  II.  79%  10816. 
as-Sadik,  see  Ja'far  b.  Muhammed  as-S. 
as-Saffah,  Caliph,  H.  1182S,  11918. 

Safiyya  bint  'Abd  al-Muttalib,  aunt  of  Prophet,  II.  145. 

Sahabiyya,  II.  42-6. 

Sa'id  an-Nahdi,  II.  90",  96s. 

Saints,  superior  to  prophets,  I.  34s",  n.  1312'14 ;  exempt  from  religious 
precepts,  s.v. 

Sakil,  mother  of  Mahdi,  I.  4815,  76,  II.  5414. 

Salat,  see  Prayers. 

Salih  b.  Tarif,  I.  47«,  II.  49«  5«- 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  179 

Salihiyya :  1)  see  al-Hasan  b.  Salih  ;  2)  sect  of  Mu'tazila,  II.  131  n.  2. 
Salim  b.  Abi  Hafsa,  II.  189»>. 

"      b.  Mas'ud  (=al-Harith),  II.  1254. 
Salma  b.  Kuheil,  II.  130'. 
Samak  b.  Harb,  II.  13121. 

Samuel  b.  Nagdela,  I.  13  (1.  3  from  below).     [Joseph  is  oversight.] 
Sarhat  at-Tabari,  n.  93  n.  2. 
Sari  al-Aksam,  I.  64  n.  11.  II.  96. 
Saturninus.  Gnostic,  II.  85". 
Sausan,  mother  of  Mahdi,  I.  4816,  7618,  n.  5414. 
Sawad,  province,  I.  68  n.  8,  EL  110",  1114.8. 
Saw  war,  poet,  n.  140  n.  3. 
as-Sayyid  al-Himyari,  II.  134,  cf.  39  n.  3 ;   argues  with  Muhammed  b. 

Ja'far  b.  an-Nulman,  II.  5916;  his  rawi  Ishak  b.  Muhammed,  II. 

1029 ;  believes  in  return  of  Muhammed  6.  al-Hanafiyya,  I.  7713, 

78  n.  2,  II.  2528.  35*c,  36  ff.,  cf.  27  n.  4.  in  Transmigration,  I.  341?, 

526,  II.  2613,  63  n.  2 ;  on  name  of  Mahdi,  II.  53  n.  2 ;  on  sun  miracle, 

II.  6811  ;  against  divinity  of  1AU.  II.  101  n.  2 ;  against  Rawafid,  II. 

140  n.  3  ;  denounces  Companions,  II.  144  n.  6. 

Sects,  number  of,  I.  6  f.:  classification  of,  I.  20  ff.,  291,  4011,  II.  213. 
Sefer  Yesirah,  II.  8214. 
Sem,  identical  with  Malchizedek,  II.  478. 
Seven,  Imams,  see  Sab'iyya  ;  angels,  II.  8459 ;  prophets,  II.  86',  89  f., 

104i8,s4  .  incarnations,  II.  12715. 
Seveners,  see  Sab'iyya. 
ash-Sha'bi,  I.  603,  II.  8623 ;  on  'AbdaUah  b.  Sabd,  II,  4318-26 ;  utterances 

against  SM'a,  II.  19'6,  7710,  95s,  135,  142  n.  2,  144. 
Shafi'iyya,  II.  117". 
ash-Shalmagani,  Ibn  Abi  '1  'Azakir  (also  written  Karakir),  I.  69  ult.  ff., 

70  n.  2,  II.  115ff.,  127". 

.  'Azakira,  II.  1162. 

Karakiriyya,  II.  11730. 
Sheitan  a^-Tak  and  Sheitaniyya,  see  Muhammed  b.   Ja'far  b.  an- 

Nu'man. 
Shi'a,  name,  II.  157  f.,  applied  to  Imamiyya,  158,  to  Zeidiyya,  ib.,  to 

both,  1591  ;  origin  I.  3  n.  1 ;  character,  I.  4  f .  ;  division  of  sects,  I. 

21  ff.,  4215,  II.  15510,  156',  cf.  I.  303 ;  fundamental  beliefs  of,  I. 

31Z1,  32*4,  78 ff.  ;  "  exaggerations"  of,  I.  34 f.  ;  anthropomorphistic, 

II.  135"  ;  relation  to  Mu'tazila,  I.  3120.  II.  II33  ff.,  to  Chdat,  s.v. ; 

compared  with  Jews,  see  ash-Sha'bi ;  Traditions  against,  s.v.  ;  of 

illegitimate   birth,   I.   49  f.,  II.   5528.     See  Imamiyya,  Rawafid, 

Zeidiyya. 

Shibash,  see  al-Basri. 
Shinas,  see  al-Basri. 
ash-Shortah,  district  near  Wdsif,  II.  127!3. 

Shukk  al-Leil,  see  Muhammed  b.  'Abd  as  Salam. 
Simeon,  tribe,  II,  49W. 
Simon  Magus,  II.  8527. 


ISO  I.  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Sufis,  originated  by  Abu  Sa'id  Abu  "l-Kheir,  s.v.;  in  Isbahdn,  II.  45, 
n.  2;  believe  that  Elijah  and  a\-Khadir  alive,  I.  467,  II.  4732,  that 
saints  superior  to  prophets,  s.v.,  and  exempt  from  religious  pre- 
cepts, s.v.;  follow  Shi'a,  II.  148,  and  Guldt,  I.  732,  II.  152  ;  are  no 
Muslims,  I.  30  ult.,  n.  11,  II.  II20. 

Sufriyya,  Kharijite  sect,  I.  376,  716.1*,  II.  930, 34,  12610'13. 

Sufyan  ath-Thauri,  II.  42s3. 

Suleiman  b.  Jarir,  I.  7981,  II.  7220,  12924,  136",  1499. 
Suleimaniyya,  II.  13611. 
Jaririyya,  ib. 

Sunbad  (or  Sinbad),  I.  369,  II.  1819. 

Sunna,  I.  204,  33U,  348. 

Supernatural  knowledge,  see  Mystic  lore. 

Surhubiyya,  see  Abu'l-Jarud. 

Surr-man-ra'a  (Samara),  city,  I.  76  n.  10,  II.  1826. 
as-Sits,  city,  I.  54",  55',  II.  768. 

Syzygy,  see  Clementines. 

Tabaristan,  province,  II.  33s. 

Tabdil,  see  Koran,  interpolated. 

Tafwid,  doctrine,  II.  91. 
at-Tahawi,  II.  70. 

Tahir  b  al-Husein,  I.  43  n.  11. 

Takhlit,  doctrine,  II.  9113. 

Takiyya  ("  compulsion"),  II.  910. 

Talabira,  city  in  Spain,  I.  474,  II.  482S. 

Talikan,  city  in  Khordsdn,  I.  443. 
at-Tammar,  I.  7921,  II.  606 ;  see  'All  b.  Mitham. 

Tanasukh,  see  Transmigration  of  Souls. 

Tarif,  II.  4922. 

Tashbih,  see  God. 

Tawus,  II.  41  n.  2. 
at-Tayyar,  (II.  6014),  see  'Ali  b.  Mitham. 

Terrorism,  among  Shiitic  sects,  I.  35",  62  f.,  II.  92  f.,  95-4,  153. 

Thugs,  in  India,  II.  9225. 

Tiberias,  I.  722,  II.  12756. 

Tiflis,  II.  125  n.  4. 

Tigris,  rise  of,  II.  11425. 

Traditions,  forged  or  interpolated  by  Shi'a,  I.  784,  II.  135  ;  by  Khat- 
fdbiyya,  II.  1138 ;  by  Sunna  against  Shi'a,  II.  48'",  13521,  146, 
against  Zeidiyya,  II.  147  n.  2. 

Transmigration,  of  Souls  (Tanasukh),  belief  of  Mu'tazila,  I.  33  ult., 
II.  1225,  of  Keisdniyya,  s.v.,  of  other  heretics,  I.  713,  II.  II11,  4512, 
11319 ;  relation  to  Return,  II.  26  f.  ;  consequences,  I.  52,  II.  74. 
Tanasukhiyya,  II.  12",  263i,  633*. 

Trinity,  II.  9123. 

Tugj,  I.  65,  n.  2,  II.  9728. 


Vol.  xxix.]         The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  181 

at-Tiisi,  II.  (5),  5923,  107  n.  1. 
Twelvers,  see  Ithna'ashariyya. 

'Ubeidallah  [b.  Mnhammed  al-Hatnb],  divinity  of,  I.  691,  H.  20s,  9530, 

109M,  11119, 
b.  Ziyad,  II.  93U. 
al-'Uleis,  tribe,  I.  65  n.  2,  II.  97*'. 
'Ulyan  b.  Dira',  II.  10132. 

'Ulyaniyya,  I.  6618,  II.  101  f. 
Urdunn,  district  in  Palestine,  I.  72',  II.  12726. 
Ustadsis,  I.  369,  II.  18s1. 

Vice,  unnatural,  I.  70*,  II.  1096,  1173. 

Wakifa,  or  Wakifiyya,  II.  26s,  40,  50  ff. 
al-  WaiTak,  II.  15  n.  3,  136  (Corrections). 

Wasil  b.  'Ata,  II.  II38,  43  n.  1,  12916,  141",  153. 

Wasit,  city,  II.  41  n.  2,  6512,  80«,  11510,  12723, 145  n.  2. 

Water,  sanctity  of ,  I.  6012,  II.  87i8 ;  "dark"  and  "white"  waters  of 

Mandceans,  II.  84'7  ff. 
Weaver's  trade,  despicable.  II.  9615. 
World,  creation  of,  I.  59,  II.  81  ff.  ;  eternity  of,  I.  54U,  II.  7419. 

Yahya  b.  Dikrweih  (or  Zikrweih),  II.  799,  97. 

"     b.  Khalid,  Vizier,  II.  6023,  102  n.  3,  138s'. 

"     b.  'Omar  b.  Yahya,  I.  4310  ff.,  II.  31  f. 
Ya'kubiyya,  see  Mubammed  b.  Ya'kub. 
Yazid  b.  'Omar  (or  'Omeir),  II.  976. 
Yemen,  I.  68,  II.  189,  109  f . 
Yunus  b.  'Abdarrahman,  II.  40'°,  51S0. 
Yusuf  b.  'Omar,  I.  62",  II.  8631,  10025,  13812. 

Zahirism,  I.  38  f.,  II.  824,  12815. 
az-Zakari  (II.  10910),  see  al-Isbahani. 

Zakariyya  b.  Muhammed,  II.  87  n.  2. 

Zebid,  in  Yemen,  II.  HO15. 

Zeid  b.  -Ali  b.  al-Husein,  1.  749,  II.  II3",  2224,  12916,  138  ff.,  141  f. 
Zeidiyya,  onlmamate,  s.v.  (twice) ;  on  Imam- 
ate  in  Kureish,  II.  152  ult.  ;  acknowledge  Ab&  Bekr  and  'Omar, 
I.  22,  7416,  7913,  II.  2225  (see  also  s.v.),  and  doubtful  about  'Othmdn, . 
s.v. ,  but  change  their  attitude,  II.  155  n.  1,  cf.  158:  believe  in 
Muhammed  b.  al-Kdsim,  II.  33* ;  and  Sunna,  II.  155,  157  f.  ;  and 
Mu'tazila,  s.v. ;  and  Keisaniyya,  I.  23,  34 f..  44";  and  Jdrftdiyya,  I. 
42n,  7413,  II.  153  n.  1  ;  and  Imdmiyya.  s  v.  ;  and  Guldt,  II.  7629; 
designated  as  Shi'a,  II.  158  ;  nicknamed  Nussab,  II.  15910  ;  tradi- 
tions against,  s.  v.  ;  men  belonging  to,  II.  II31,  7220  (cf.  12926),  106 
n.  5,  131"- 89.  Cf.  Imamiyya,  Rawafid,  Shi'a. 


182  I,  Friedlaender,  [1908. 

Zenj,  I.  65  n.  2,  II.  3120,  985. 

Zikrweih  (or  Dikrweih)  b.  Mihrweih,  II.  9719. 

Ziyad,  tribe,  I.  68  n.  8,  II.  11012. 

"      brother  of  Mu'duriya,  II.  11013. 
Zubeir  b.  Safiyya,  cousin  of  Prophet,  II.  145. 
Zurara  b.  A'yun,  II.  4024,  6626,  91  n.  1,  146  n.  4. 
Zutt  (Gypsies),  II.  99. 


LIST  OF  ARABIC  WORDS.1 

186ff. 
1813  flf. 
see 


s 


21'4. 


Co    138  n-  4'144  n-  1- 
91  13. 

see  (j£Ls\  . 

0     138  n.  4,  144  n.  8. 
> 

!XJ'    146,  see  & 


«AXX 
-U 


-  28n-  L 


jiuaJs,     jiudiU,     -,o.ifs,    ^j«-oj|*,  (jfiLsJ   137.    See 
O  and 


d£\ .  -L>flJ*J  142. 
105  n.  2. 
5011,  51'. 


Quotations  exclusively  refer  to  the  second  part  of  this  treatise. 


Vol.  xxix.]         TJie  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites,  etc.  183 


145  n.  2. 
95  n.  1. 
139  n.  2. 

&    6723. 


x~£  6  f.,  55  n.  1. 

£  157  f. 

U.  &UUO  147  f. 

fb  Ji  551S. 

32. 

c.  125ff.,  145  n.  2. 

t  1345. 


s'    50,  51  n.  1. 

935«ff. 

97  n.  4. 

17  n.  3. 

130. 

109. 

A^>Lj     159. 
j    97  n.  5. 


AS.  ("and  Lai^j'^  50. 

J    N  y     / 


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